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Tuesday, June 4, 2013

Quantitative & Qualitative Social Science Research

A University of Short Essay Assignment

Under the Freshman Sociology subject "Critical Analytical Skills"

Passed with Distinction (H2A)

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By Benjamin L., written during Semester 1, 2012

'[You are] required to find one piece of quantitative social science research and one piece of qualitative social science research (quantitative and qualitative broadly defined) and discuss the qualities of this research in relation to the content from the first 2 weeks of the course'



MULT 20003 – Assessment 1 – Benjamin L. - 396274
            Social science aims to understand the social world as made by people and their actions within it (Hanacke, 2010 p4). This is achieved by using research methods to compare theory with reality. (Kalof, Dan & Dietz, 2008). These methods can be broadly classed as quantitative or qualitative. Quantitative methods are “variable-oriented” approaches that aim to discern statistical relationships between variables in large, representative samples or populations (Onwuegbuzie, Johnson, & Collins, 2009 p4). In contrast, qualitative methods are “case-oriented” and emphasise the individual, subjective aspects of social life (ibid). Drawing on one quantitative and one qualitative study, this essay argues that neither approach is inherently superior. Instead, the chosen must be suited to the nature of the area under study.

            An example of quantitative research is Nelson, Admanson, & Bakeman’s (2008) study on theory of mind. They explored the relationship between parent-toddler joint engagement and its effect on toddlers’ acquisition of ‘theory of mind’ over time. Nelson and colleagues hypothesised, “joint engagement experience likely facilitates theory of mind development”. Theory of mind (TOM) is the awareness that others are intentional beings whose behaviour is guided by mental states that may contradict reality (McAlister & Peterson, 2007 p1), while joint engagement is the amount of time toddlers and mothers simultaneously attend to an object, as measured in a controlled laboratory playroom. The presence of TOM is tested through a ‘false belief test’, which assesses if toddlers are aware of others’ potentially mistaken beliefs about a specific object/situation (ibid.).
            In contrast, Luke & Carrington’s (2000) study on interracial marriage is an example of qualitative research. They interviewed 50 interracial marriages to explore the ‘lived experience’ [sic] of interracial relationships and families. Luke & Carrington argue that ‘race’ is a fundamental principle of social organisation. It shapes public and private life. Couples crossing the racial ‘colour line’ tended to meet with social ‘estrangements’ – disapproval and rejection from friends, family and strangers – from people of either partner’s race. The couple eventually made new friendships with other interracial families and formed a diaspora of “’third space’ otherness” (Appadurai, 1998 in ibid.) that transcends simple in-group/out-group categories of racial identitiy.

            These two studies differ in many respects. Firstly, the quantitative study uses a deductive process while the qualitative study uses an inductive process. The deductive process involves a hypothetical relationship between two or more concepts and test them using quantifiable measures (Gray, 2009). Nelson and colleagues (2008) began with a hypothesis using the precisely defined concepts of “joint engagement” and “theory of mind”, as mentioned above. They tested this by quantifying “joint engagement” in seconds while “theory of mind” was measured by the child’s age, in months, at which they could successfully perform a false belief test. After averaging toddlers’ scores, the study concluded that joint engagement significantly influenced TOM development. Their research thus progresses from theory and hypothesis to quantitative measures before finally reaching a conclusion.
            Quantitative methods are epistemologically premised on the elimination erroneous and idiosyncratic elements through statistical averages. From this, we can discover the “regularity of social processes” and find the ‘average man’, or quintessential persona, that is representative of a sample group or population (Quetlet, 1831 in Coven, 2003). This stems from a broader positivist epistemological position, which holds that the social world operated according to a set of strict, discoverable causal laws (Gray, set 2 p.19). The strength of quantitative approaches lies in its specificity. The independent variable (joint engagement) is hypothesised to affect the dependent variable (TOM acquisition) as a consequence. Each variable is operationalised in quantitatively measurable form that tells us what changes, and crucially how much it changes. However, this assumes such causal laws exist beyond the sample tested. While TOM has been found in toddlers across different countries (McAlister & Peterson, 2007), the assumption of discoverable laws may not apply to other areas of social science.
            One such area is Luke and Carrington’s (2000) qualitative study, which follows an inductive process instead. The inductive process starts with the collection of data that is then examined for patterns that may imply a relationship between variables. Luke & Carrington named their area of research – racial concepts and interracial couples – but do not hypothesise about relationships between variables. Instead they “draw on interview data from 50 interracial families” before identifying  “precursors to out-marriage”, and the resulting ‘estrangements’ from others. Data was qualitative, consisting of couples’ opinions and experiences as they responded to disapproval and estrangement.
            This research method is based on a constructionist view of the social world, which holds that multiple but equally valid accounts of the same phenomenon can exist (Onwuegbuzie, Johnson, & Collins, 2009). It stems from Max Weber’s belief that social reality consists of individuals who create cultures and values (Hancke, 2010). Humans shaped society through subjective understanding rather than ‘objective’ causal laws (ibid.). Indeed, the broad spectrum on social contexts makes precise prediction difficult (Ekstrom, 1992). Luke & Carrington note racially motivated discrimination or ‘racisms’ become social reality only when people hold and act on “ideologies of race differentiation”. As a result, interracial couples were rejected by both partners’ racial milieu and experienced “complex and unpredictable” events of “’third space’ otherness”. Since the processes of social phenomena are fundamentally rooted in subjective cognitions, interviews are better suited for understanding the spectrum of thoughts underlying social phenomena than statistical quantification, ‘counts’, or ‘aggregations’ of specific beliefs.
           
            In conclusion, the choice between quantitative and qualitative methods depends on the nature of the area under study. Quantitative methods are rooted in a positivist epistemology that believes strict, independent, and discoverable laws exist (Gray, 2009). These methods seek statistical generalisations from representative samples (Coven, 2009) and, with the appropriate measures and standardised tests, provide precise data that describes a relationship between variables. Qualitative methods focus on subjective beliefs rather than nomothetical generalisations (Onwuegbuzie, Johnson, & Collins, 2009). It is rooted in a constructionist epistemology that admits of multiple valid accounts of the social world (ibid) and suitably captures “lived experience” at the level of everyday life rather than abstract theories. While the positivist idea of a law-governed reality contradicts constructionist notions of multiple subjective social worlds, the methods derived from either can produce insightful findings when used on appropriate areas of the social world.

References
Coven, V 2003, A history of statistics in the social sciences, Gateway,
Spring, viewed 10 March 2012,

Ekstrom, M 1992, 'Causal explanation of social action', Acta Sociologica, vol. 35, pp. 107-122.

Gray, R 2009, Doing Research in the Real World (second edition), Sage, Los Angeles.

Hancke, B 2010, 'The challenge of research design', In D Marsh and G Stoker (eds), Theory and Methods in Political Science (third edition), Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp. 232-248.

Kalof, L, Amy D & Thomas, D 2008, Essentials in Social Research, Open University Press, Oxford.

Luke, C & Carrington, V 2000, 'Race matters', Journal of Intercultural Studies, vol. 21 no. 1, pp. 5-24.

McAlister, A & Paterson, C 2007, 'A longitudinal study of child siblings and theory of mind development', Cognitive Development, vol. 22, pp. 258-270.

Nelson, PB, Adamson, LB & Bakeman, R 2008, 'Toddlers’ joint engagement experience facilitates preschoolers’ acquisition of theory of mind', Developmental Science, vol. 11 no. 6, pp. 847-852.

Onwuegbuzie, AJ, Johnson, RB, & Collins, KM 2009, 'Call for mixed analysis: A philosophical framework for combining qualitative and quantitative approaches', International Journal of Multiple Research Approaches, vol. 3 pp. 114–139.

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