Deconstruction

Organic Solidarity: A Myth?

2011-11-24T15:49:00.002+08:00

I read about Emile Durkheim's concept of organic solidarity in a sociology subject I took last semester. It postulates that societies with a high division of labour and specialisation will develop a sense of solidarity based on mutual dependence. Looking at the world today and, for that matter, of yesteryear, I doubt that organic solidarity is a valid concept.

When agriculture can sustain a population with a majority in non-agricultural pursuits, social stratums start to appear. Jared Diamond, in his book "Guns, Germs, and Steel" has argued that civilisations, as we know the term, have this starting point in common. From a Marxist perspective, this does not seem to develop a solidarity but instead fosters the growth of class divisions. Think of the structure of feudal society: whether feudal Japan or medieval Europe, a land-owning aristocracy eventually rules over a subservient peasantry and lives off their taxes. It becomes justified with an appeal to some sort of "divine right of kings" and creates an ideology where inequality is accepted as a social fact, a state of normalcy, an inalterable state of affairs. At least until the revolutions of the 18th and 19th centuries.

The most extreme example could be the Indian caste systems - the lowest rung of society is called the pariah, or untouchable - a stigmatised and ostracised social stratum whose members gain that status by birth. Indeed, the concept of hereditary classes isn't isolated to the pariah. The prince and peasant are born into their classes, where they usually stay in the absence of political conspiracies or revolutions. Need an example? Puyi is the last emperor of China's Qing dynasty. The communist revolution of 1949 abolished the monarchy for good and established a political monopoly around the CCP. Whatever political status Puyi had as emperor was a thing of the past. With all the inequality and the revolutions that eventually displaced them after centuries, it's hard to say that any kind of 'solidarity' existed.

In our time, class is no longer divine; it is economic. Class mobility seems to be framed around the concept of meritocracy and equal opportunity. How equal society is and how meritocracy is socially defined and recognised is outside the scope of this article. Class mobility does, however, retain the same polarising tendencies as feudal class societies. It's contemporary form merely incorporates a few newer features.

Taking the Occupy Wall Street movement as a starting point, it seems that class conflict consists of certain perceptions. These revolve around the phrase "corporate greed", and the income inequalities in a capitalist system managed by these giants. Unlike previous class divisions, the capitalist state probably won't experience the same sort of mass systemic upheavals of revolutions past. Most of those revolutions contained 2 elements: (a) widespread deprivation and (2) a blueprint of a new social structure. "No taxation without representation" in the USA, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" in France, and "Peace, Land, Bread" in the Soviet Union. These are some of the basic tenets of a social vision to replace the monarchical social structure. The French and American revolutions established 'republics' based on a parliamentary model (or at least tried to), while the Soviet Union centralised state affairs with the Communist Party - effectively a one-party monopoly.

Sure, we are unhappy with today's economic uncertainty. Ulrich Beck in "Risk Society" has noted that increases in wealth tend to be accompanied by increases in risk. Looking at the 20th and early 21st century, it's no surprise. Global economic patterns have revealed an alarming number of sudden downturns from the Great Depression of the '20s, Asian Financial Crisis of the '90s and, of course, our current GFC and Eurozone crisis. It is easy to see why class divisions are exacerbated in these situations. Take the GFC - the US government approved a bailout package for banks that essentially engaged in bad loan practices and got saddled with too many non-performing loans that effectively 'bankrupted' them (google sub-prime mortgage crisis). That pretty much took down the US economy and left a number of people homeless - but the latter did not get a bailout package. Nor did anyone else outside the top level of banks.

But even at a micro-social level, the notion of 'solidarity' seems to be a myth. Forget corporate rich big wigs vs 'poor(er)' employees, things like school and university admission and labour employment are competitive in nature. It is hard to think of 'solidarity' when the realisation of material aspiration and its accompanying status is fundamentally competitive in nature. The sweatshop prole in Naomi Klein's famous books may gripe about employment conditions but they too aspire towards the upper-middle class lifestyles of their bosses and the media. We may not go all the way towards "I wanna be a billionaire so fricking bad", but material aspirations are only realised through the competitive mechanisms of the exam, workplace, and market. This is the new ideology: that free competition produces "individual pursuit for the common good" - as per Adam Smith. That may be true, but at what cost?

So, to put it simply, organic solidarity in a state of normalcy is a myth. Class conflict - for lack of a better non-Marxist phrase - is the reality. The contemporary form of class conflict is both inter-class and intra-class. It is inter-class because of varying wealth and lifestyle inequalities, as it has always been throughout civilisations, in a world of scarce resources to realise and sustain everyone's aspirations. But today, class mobility is possible and we aren't necessarily confined to our class of birth. Instead, we may aspire and work towards class ascension or, conversely, descend the social ladder if we fall out of sync with the mechanisms of the exam, workforce, and market environment.

Today's class conflict is also intra-class because members of the same class compete to stay in the same class. Whether it's against domestic labour competition, competition from immigrants/other countries' markets, or younger, better-educated workers, one's class status is in jeopardy if one's labour becomes sub-par, and an employer or patron capital owner decides a replacement is in order. If one can't find a commensurate job, one falls on the socio-economic ladder. If one can't find any job, one becomes 'unemployed' - the modern pariah. A joke I saw on YouTube puts it well:

"The upper class gets all the money and does none of the work,
the middle class does all the work and doesn't get much of the money,
and the lower class is just there to scare the shit out of the middle class."

In such a society, do you really think unequal economic interdependence can produce "organic solidarity" or any kind of pan-social solidarity?

On a side note, racial issues often have an economic basis. I haven't read too much into this yet but I understand that affirmative action in admitting non-white students into American universities is the norm. Also, Malaysia's New Economic Policy was also crafted to address the conflation of economic class and race, particularly between the purported 'rich Chinese and poor Malays' which created a Moral Panic in the '60s and '70s.

Beck's Risk Society on a Global Scale

2011-08-30T10:43:00.000+08:00

The challenge of voting in today's world

Thisinformal article is inspired by numerous ideas I have acquired through my Jr.College and 1^st Year University education. It applies epistemology,anthropology, sociology, and globalisation studies to understand and addresstwo contemporary problems.

In his book Risk Society,Ulrich Beck notes that modernisation has produced many hazards and riskscharacteristic of the 20^th and 21^st Century. Two majorproblems are especially pertinent today:

1. ClimateChange and

2. EconomicCollapse

These two problems are truly global in scale. Their impact is or will befelt across the world regardless of borders and their solutions necessarilyinvolve concerted, multilateral action. The unilateral actions of singlenations or political blocs cannot conclusively solve these problems. However, concernedvoters find it difficult to make informed decisions about these issues due toits specialist nature. Only select government agencies, NGOs, industry experts andacademic communities possess the technical knowledge to thoroughly assess andaddress these problems. Voters’ relative ignorance compromises their ability tocast sound votes and make informed choices through the democratic process and,even if they do, such unilateral action does not solve the problem becauseconcerted multilateral action is lacking. In light of these issues, it seemsthat national democratic processes cannot cope with the demands of globalproblems.

Hazards and Risk

Beck states that societies have always faced the risk of existentialhazards like plague, war, floods and other catastrophic events. However, ittended to be ‘explained’ through supernatural beliefs. In the 20^thcentury, a ‘scientific’ worldview became widely accepted as the orthodox formof explanation and humanity used its principles to drive social and economicchange. It delivered progress, defined one way or another, through acharacteristically modern and rational-secular world-view, but also generated anumber of risks that were believed to result from human action.

For example, Beck notes that greater risk usually follows theaccumulation of wealth. Taking a historical view of the 20^thcentury, it is easy to see why. Events like the Great Depression (1920s), OilShock/ Nixon Shock (1970s, 1980s), and Asian Financial Crisis (1997) were allunexpected events, as is the recent US Subprime Mortgage Recession (2008).Economic growth and stability is central to a nation’s quality of life. Itensures employment, income, and production in a domestic and import/exportsense. However, in an intricately connected global economy, recessions in oneimportant country or region can impact the entire world. While the UN has beendeveloped with the explicit purpose of preventing war through diplomacy and,when deemed necessary, intervention, no similarly global institution has beencreated with the explicit purpose of ensuring global economic stability and thelegal powers to do so. The Bretton Woods system and GATT during the immediatepost-war years attempted to do that, but the US has since abandoned the “goldpeg” and Free-Trade Agreements while regional economic blocs like the EU, NAFTA,and ASEAN have since superseded the international GATT arrangement. Furthermore,the scope of the IMF and World Bank are limited to international BOP and developmentissues respectively and lack the power to create resolutions about members’internal economic policies or enforce them. There is thus little supranationalcoordination with the mission and powers to systemically manage the worldeconomy.

States are understandably reluctant to create one. Each state hasdivergent laws and economic norms that reflect certain cultural positions. Forexample, the relatively laissez faire approach in the USA contrasts with thehighly managed economy of Singapore and respectively reflects a more liberaland authoritative approach to governance. Given the fact that supranationalmanagement also implies that nations acquire a ‘federal’ status with apolitical structure that spells out rights and obligations, supranational managementwould involve some surrender of some sovereign autonomy as national interestsbecome subordinate to collectively defined targets. However, the lack of such asupranational arrangement – and indeed international accountability – meansthat the actions of single states (e.g. the USA) can and probably will continueto upset the welfare of our globalfinancial system.

The same can be said of global climate change. The common perspective isthat industrial development patterns and consumer consumption tends to releasepollutants that damage the earth’s protective ozone layer, resulting in a‘greenhouse effect’ that increases temperature and upsets the ecological statusquo. Its implications are primarily economic – global warming may produceshifts in climate belts and affect the agricultural industry that feeds theworld’s populace. Having colder winters, warmer summers, and everythingin-between may also make some areas unliveable and diminish the appeal ofoutdoor lifestyle activities, but that tends to be a footnote relative to theeconomic implications.

The solution thus requires the cooperation of all interested parties, asa single major pollutant that goes unchecked will still damage the ozone layerregardless of others’ actions. The challenge in implementing one is what gametheorists would call a coordination problem. Assuming that global economic andecological stability are in the interests of all parties, and that the solutionnecessarily involves their concerted participation, it follows that any actionby any national actor(s) will be unsuccessful in the larger scheme of things unlessall significant parties engage in the desired corrective behaviour.

Defining Risk

One obstacle in resolving these problems may lie with the way risk isdefined. Beck notes that there is a discrepancy between the ways a risk isdefined for particular audiences. In the academic field, economic andecological risks are discussed in positivistic theoretical terms. Causes andsolutions are weighed and debated based on specialist knowledge in eachrespective field. In the political arena, where policy actions are advocatedbased on normative goals and interests, risks are defined for an agenda. The former is too technocratic for a wide, laymanaudience in the political field, while the latter may be too partial andmisleading for voters’ to feel certain about.

In the 2010 Australian national elections, opposition leader Tony Abbottpushed for a carbon emissions tax as part of his election campaign. The defendingPrime Minister, Julia Gillard, campaigned against it. However, Gillard hassince pushed for the introduction of the carbon tax while Abbott now speaksagainst it. Clearly, this back flip by both politicians suggests that thecarbon tax may have been nothing more than an object of bipartisan politics aseach tries to gain votes. On Australian TV channels, it is common to find apseudo-utopian carbon tax advertisement by the “Australian GovernmentCanberra”, followed by a bleak, worrying advertisement against it 5 minutes later.One can only wonder how lay voters feel when faced with such disparatearguments.

The same can be said of economic issues. Given the surprise recessionsof the Great Depression, Asian Financial Crisis, and the latest 2008 USsubprime mortgage debacle, perhaps economists themselves are uncertain of theglobal economy. Unlike ecologists, economic information is a matter of nationalinterest and understandably kept within a nation’s government agencies.Assuming that economists have a sound theoretical framework – an assumptionthat we are hard pressed to ascertain – they would still lack factualinformation about the state of other economies. It may be a stretch to say thatgovernments act without knowing what other governments are up to – after all,economies seem to be stable in-between recessions – but it certainly does notgive us a sense of assurance.

One may object saying that the information we receive – myself included– is based on good, trustworthy authority but this is a fallacious argument.Authority is not infallible, and we may not possess the knowledge to discernits accuracy. Aside from the Australian Carbon Tax example above, anthropologistSir Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard has compared our lay understanding of sciencewith the Azande tribe’s belief in witchcraft as a paradigm of understandingevents. The Azande (Southern Sudan) are aware of the natural causes behindmisfortunes, but events that cannot be explained through natural causes areattributed to witchcraft. In similar fashion, our laymen’s knowledgeunderstands that global warming is due to the release of pollutants into theair, and economic catastrophes are due to financial mismanagement – but that’sabout as deep as it goes. Our understanding is superficial and we are not ableto evaluate situations and policies with much epistemological depth orvalidity. Like the Azande, our understanding is derived from ‘experts’/ ‘witches’– our paradigms are merely culturallyaccepted patterns of thought rather than absolute truths.

This leaves voters in a disempowered position.

Firstly, understanding hazards requires knowledge that far surpasseswhat we access. Few go to university, fewer still study economics or ecology.Yet we face pressing issues that impact everyone across the board and thedemocratic process requires our input. We are not in a position to know thesituation and only apprehend it through the press, political speeches, andother mediums of popular communication that may not present the situationaccurately or impartially.

Secondly, unilateral decisions made by voters in favour of correctiveaction may do little given the global nature of these problems that require collective, multilateral action.Pollution will not disappear when a single country, like Australia, implementscorrective policies – it does nothing to halt pollution from the USA or Chinaand may even inflate costs Down Under. Likewise, Australia – which continued togrown despite the 2008 recession – is not immune to economic dangers as long asother trading partners like the USA continue to mismanage their economies.

Keeping DemocraticProcesses Relevant

The specialist knowledge of these risks and the collective nature oftheir solutions make it difficult to find a clear resolution. It seems that democracy, or at least democratic principles andprocesses, is failing to cope with the most pressing issues of our time. At thegrassroots level, practices like recycling or opting for sustainable transportmay help but only specialists and specialist agencies are equipped with theknowledge to craft coherent strategic policies that specifically address theseissues over the long run.

One possible remedy would be to empower voters through the impartialtransmission of relevant information. The universities and academic communitycan play a central role in this. Their knowledge and experience in introducingcomplex subjects to fresh students could be the stepping-stone the public needsto deal with modern issues. Done by multiple universities, or a board comprisedof them, a structured program can be implemented that bests educates the publicon pressing issues. A simple e-newsletter is a simple and inexpensive method ofeducating the public – including university students who are specialising inother areas. While this approach does not solve the ‘witchcraft’ problem,academics have a professional interest in delivering accurate, impartialaccounts that their peers can potentially critique. A peer-reviewed onlinenewsletter discussing pressing issues could go far in keeping us educated aboutthe issues of our age and, maybe someday, enable our age-old democraticprocesses to handle contemporary challenges.

'Colour Coding' is Skin Deep

2011-07-23T18:08:00.007+08:00

A University of Melbourne Final Essay Assignment

Under the Freshman Sociology subject "Understanding Society"

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

By Benjamin L.C.Y., written during Semester 1, 2011

BEST FIRST YEAR ESSAY

Melbourne University Arts Students' Society (M-ASS)

Annual Essay Competition 2011

in conjunction with National Australia Bank (NAB)

Tutor's Comments - Dr. Jackson, I.:

Ben, this essay presents an integrated and nuanced overview of the situation with a strong technique and structure. All the technical aspects are good. If anything, the essay could be strengthened by more explicit use of theory in analysis of the role that stereotyping plays, eg. as explored by Goffman, Mead, Cooley and others, and by investigation of the nature and basis of race and ethnicity as constructions. As it is, it is an elegantly written essay that describes [the] key aspects associated with the topic but it doesn't have much 'bite'; perhaps explicit indication of scenario outcomes via statistics of incarcerations [eg. 'Stolen Generations' in Australia], inter-racial marriages etc., thus to ensure it reads clearly as an academic essay rather than an op-piece. Nevertheless, this essay indicates your deep understanding of issues related to the topic nd its overall location within the academic discipline.

Author's note: This piece follows the Symbolic Interaction school of thought. The mandated word limit for this assignment is 2000 words,

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INTRODUCTION

Identification is a process that distinguishes individuals and groups from other individuals and groups during social interaction (Jenkins, 2004). Others can often be identified by their ethnic category, defined as human populations whom outsiders perceive as a culturally and historically distinct (Smith, 1991). However, race – the hereditary qualities manifested in visible bodily differences (Luke &amp; Carrington, 2000) – tends to be conflated with ethnicity in the form of a racial stereotype. These racial stereotypes are defined as bidirectional cognitive associations between racial appearance and certain perceived ethnic attributes (Jones &amp; Fazio, 2010).

While racial/ethnic stereotypes may be partially true, they are often misleading when applied to particular individuals. In addition, stereotypes are usually stigmatised by their association with “deeply discrediting” attributes (Goffman, 1963 in Kurzban &amp; Leary, 2001) that impose a “spoiled social identity” of varying severity on the stereotyped subject (Goffman, 1963 in Harvey et. al, 2005). I will argue that ‘colour coding’ – the combined application of stereotypes and their accompanying stigma(s) – identifies the ethno-racial other in a way that that misinforms behaviour and leads to social conflict.

MICRO-SOCIAL COLOR CODING
Identifying an individual using racial stereotypes may lead one to misunderstand him or her and negatively prejudice social relations by creating conflict. This is especially true among intimate social groups like close friends and family, and conflict with these groups tend to create considerable emotional distress.

For example, marriage across the ‘colour line’ to people of a different race tends to meet with severe disapproval from family members. Their reactions are informed by a stereotypical conceptualisation of the ethno-racial ‘other’. Australian biracial couples reported that these stereotypes were often based on stigmatising media reports. Some Australian media vilify Filipina woman as financially exploitative “mail-order Filipina brides”, while newspapers in the Philippines warned against violence and abuse from white Australian men (Luke &amp; Carrington, 2000). The exploitative or violent portrayal of these stereotypes is morally derogatory and attaches a stigma to the ethnicity of the racial other, thus creating a negative stereotype through the association of discrediting attributes and race. These stereotypes then inform the disapproving response of the couple’s parents. One Chinese-Malay woman recounts how her Anglo-Australian mother in-law blatantly told her: “What’s wrong with my kids? They are all married to Asians!” This sentence reveals two cognitive processes. Firstly, the term “Asians” indicates her mother-in-law identifies her as a generalised “Asian” stereotype rather than a unique individual and, secondly, stigmatizes her by implying that it is categorically ‘wrong’ – a term of moral disapproval – to enter into marriage with members of this out-group.

The stigmatic conceptualization of identity subsequently informs the imposition of various ‘sanctions’ against biracial couples that often forced them to choose between their lover and their family. This binary dilemma was an emotionally stressful event because it forced biracial couples to forfeit close family ties to stay with their lover. An Italian-Australian woman who married a Vietnamese man recounts that the lack of family support “really hurt… but we knew it would be either us or them”. In protest, family members commonly boycotted the wedding or cut off contact for prolonged periods, if not permanently (ibid.). A Maltese-British-Indian woman recounts that “we had six or seven years of no contact” with her Italian parents-in-law, while a Vietnamese man reports that his uncle was “basically disowned by the family for the 15 years he was married to her [a French woman]” (Luke &amp; Carrington, 2000).

These testimonies illustrate the process of stereotyping, stigmatisation, and the coercive measures taken against those who form marital relationships with stereotyped ‘Others’. It denies their unique individuality and reduces his/her identity to a stigmatized ‘colour coded’ construct. The severe estrangement incurred by marrying across this ‘colour line’ demonstrates that ‘colour coded’ identification informs behaviour that produces significant familial conflict and personal distress.

MARCO-SOCIAL POLICY IMPLICATIONS
At a macro-social level, ‘colour coded’ stereotyping likewise reduces individuals to a stigmatised construct that misinforms actions in response to it. Any inadvertent and erroneous application of stereotypes in public policy has wide-ranging macro-social implications because it identifies segments ethno-racial categories or communities as problems. The resulting ‘remedial’ actions that specifically target these groups may exacerbate the situation instead of addressing its root social causes.

The policing of Lebanese ‘problem’ youth in Sydney vividly demonstrates these dangers. Since the 1880s, groups of Lebanese youth on the street – commonly called ‘Larrikins’ – organised themselves into gangs in the working-class areas of Sydney (White, 2007). Street fights often caused injuries and occasional death, while abusive remarks were hurled at passers-by, sometimes followed by physical intimidation and assault. The media reported these incidents as ‘ethnic crime’ and made race a salient feature, as if being Lebanese was “intrinsically bad” (sic!), while ignoring the socio-economic factors behind it. The racially salient identification of disorderly Lebanese youth behaviour was used in official crime records from 1883 (Murray, 1973 in ibid.) and eventually created the stereotype of the Larrikin based on a bidirectional cognitive association between “Larrikin appearance” and “Larrikin-type offences” (Finnane, 1994, in White 2007). Given the deeply discrediting attributes of socially undesirable “Larrikin-type offences”, the Larrikin stereotype also carried a stigma.

The conflation of race and undesirable behaviour in official records then informs official policy aimed at ‘redressing’ the problem, but treating the stereotype as an explanation belies the underlying sociological causes behind it. Police in New South Wales (in which Sydney is a city) adopted a ‘zero tolerance’ approach to curbing Larrikin activity through greater surveillance, use of force, and arrest for relatively trivial offences like littering or verbal abuse (White, 2007). This coercive strategy did not search for the problem’s root cause and made the targeted group even more resentful and uncooperative. Indeed, it is precisely because the Lebanese youths had been ostracised by mainstream society and subjected to economic disadvantage that they gathered in gangs for mutual social affirmation (Collins et. al., 2000, in ibid.) and engage in offensive behaviour with the intention of upsetting the ‘respectable’ members of society that shun them (White, 2007). Targeted ‘zero tolerance’ policing informed by racially ‘colour coded’ Lebanese/Larrikin stereotypes and the associated “Larrikin-type offences” only increases these youths’ sense of social marginalisation and further motivates the formation of gangs and offensive behaviour. In other words, the application of racially ‘colour coded’ stereotypes in macro-social policy has exacerbated a vicious, coercive cycle of mainstream ostracism and ethnic backlash by treating racial difference as social explanation. This obscured the underlying issues that motivated “Larrikin-type offences” and perpetuated social conflict based on ethno-racial targeting

STIGMA REVERSALS & INTER-ETHNIC CONTENTIONS
However, the preceding sections do not imply that ‘colour coding’ is only practiced by social authority figures (e.g. parents, the police). In response to perceived discrimination, racial minorities can practice ‘stigma reversal’, defined as “the imputation of guilt and moral inferiority to the members of a [socially] dominant group” based on the latter’s racial descent (Killian, 1985). Unlike the aforementioned cases, stigma reversals are made by minorities in response to an antecedent stigma imposed on them by the dominant majority. During the 1960s-70s in the USA, stigma reversals informed court rulings seeking to redress the effects of past racial discrimination (ibid.). It provided preferential treatment for ostensibly oppressed blacks (Afro-Americans) over the purportedly oppressive white majority (Americans with European descent). However, this racialised conception of social inequality still relies on racial stereotypes and the resulting affirmative action inadvertently created a ‘reverse racism’ against whites based on their race.

One landmark court case is “Barbara Gutter v. Lee Bollinger et. al. (1993)”, where Grutter charged that the University of Michigan Law School practiced racially discriminatory policies that violated of her constitutional rights (Kamalu &amp; Kamalu, 2004). Grutter alleges that the law school practiced “a race based double standard” by favouring minority students with comparable qualifications based on their race. In defense, the University claimed that it only sought to build a “critical mass”, defined as a “meaningful representation/number” to provide minority students with a “sense of belonging” without making race a predominant factor in admission.

However, the university’s defense implies that a minimum, significant number of minority students are preferred based on their race. Assuming that the law school has a finite number of vacancies, it effectively reserves a vague, undefined quota for students from racial minorities. This means that blacks with comparable qualifications to whites will automatically be preferred on the basis of race until the unstated minimum “critical mass” is obtained and this effectively makes the University’s policy racially discriminatory.

Such categorical affirmative action presupposes that the social advantages of the majority are homogenous, just as the disadvantaged minority is homogenously victimized (Killian, 1985). The exclusively dyadic conception of oppressor-and-oppressed reverses the stigma burden from the ‘disadvantaged’ blacks onto the ‘discriminatory’ whites and informs policies seeking to redress the blacks’ previous disadvantage. These categories are racial stereotypes formed by creating a bidirectional association between race and collective guilt/victimization. It is misleading because such policies have since created a new class of victimized white students who are excluded from professional schools because of their race (ibid.). Such a policy of ‘reverse racism’ makes them guiltless victims while creating a mutually exclusive conflict of interest between black and white students along racial lines. While affirmative action may arguably enhance distributive justice, it does carry undesirable side effects. As seen in the legal battle above, among many others (listed in Kamalu &amp; Kamalu, 2004), social conflict is exacerbated as victimized individuals contest “the polarization of the races in public institutions” (ibid.).

INTRA-ETHNIC COLOUR CODING
While ‘colour coded’ stereotyping may seem like an inter-ethnic phenomenon, intra-ethnic stereotyping and stigmatization among those of the same race also occurs. This occurs through ‘skin tone bias’: the tendency to perceive or behave towards members of a racial category based on their skin tone (Maddox &amp; Gray, 2002). It is a variant of stereotyping that associates positive/negative attributes with people of certain skin tones who belong to the same race. Skin tone bias occurs in a number of countries and generally values lighter-skinned individuals over darker ones (ibid.).

For example, Maddox &amp; Gray’s experiment (2002) found that both black and white college students strongly associated light-skinned blacks with positive traits and dark-skinned blacks with negative ones. The aim of the experiment was disguised as a questionnaire about participants’ knowledge of 7 racial and ethnic groups including “dark-skinned black women”, “dark-skinned black men”, along with their light-skinned counterparts. Participants were asked to list as many cultural beliefs as they could about a particular group. Testers later subsumed these cultural beliefs under broad trait descriptors (e.g. athletic).

Both black and white participants displayed a significant[1] tendency to associate negative traits like “criminal”, “tough/aggressive”, “unattractive” to dark-skinned black men and “lazy”, “poor”, “unattractive” to dark-skinned black women. Conversely, positive traits like “educated” and “intelligent” had closer associations with light-skinned men and “attractive”, “intelligent” to light-skinned women.

The negative attributes form a stereotype because of their cognitive association with race. The deeply discrediting nature of these attributes stigmatizes dark-skinned blacks by imposing a spoiled identity on them relative to their light-skinned counterparts. Since racism can be defined as the “beliefs, attitudes, institutional arrangements and acts that tend to denigrate individuals or groups because of phenotypic characteristics or ethnic group affiliation” (Clark et. al., 1999), it stands to reason that the negative stereotype of dark-skinned African-Americans makes them more susceptible to racism at the inter- and intra-racial level.[2] While little research has explored the effects of intra-racial stereotyping (Clark, 2004), skin tone bias may be used to restrict matriculation into predominantly black universities (ibid.). If so, dark-skinned blacks may respond to their denigration and marginalization with symbolic acts of contempt in a manner analogous to the Larrikins discussed above. Again, the practice of ‘colour coded’ identification through stigmatized stereotypes points towards potential social conflict.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, I have argued that ‘colour coded’ identification is the combined application of stereotypes and their accompanying stigmas. Identifying ethnic and racial others in this way misinforms behaviour, leading to social conflict along ethno-racial lines. At a micro-social level, the case of inter-racial marriages in Australia illustrates how the stereotypical conception of individuals informs punitive family behaviour and the ensuing social conflict places the couple under severe emotional distress (Luke &amp; Carrington, 2000). At a macro-social level, the misinformed application of zero-tolerance policing on the basis of a ‘Larrikin’ stereotype became self-defeating and diverted attention from the Lebanese youths’ sense of social ostracism that motivated their offensive behaviour in the first place (White, 2007).

While the inadvertent use of categorical stereotypes may be benignly intended to redress past racism through affirmative action, it involves a stigma reversal process that imposes collective guilt on innocent individuals and deprives them of opportunities they would otherwise have. As seen in the American university admissions case, this produces social conflict along racial lines (Kamalu &amp; Kamalu, 2004). Finally, recent research indicates that the travesties of stereotyping can also occur in intra-ethnic identification (Maddox &amp; Gray, 2002) and the resulting marginalization could, hypothetically, create social conflict.

‘Colour coding’ is a pressing problem in globalised, poly-ethnic metropolises, such as Sydney (Poynting, 2007). Collins (8 Nov., 2005) notes that immigrants are increasingly depicted as criminals and a moral panic about ethnic crime has developed in Sydney. This was prophetically proven by the Cronulla riots later that year when young “Anglo-Celtic” men assaulted people of “Middle Eastern appearance” (Poynting, 2006 in ibid.). The latter’s appearance was associated with an “inherent criminality” and “deviance” (sic!) in young Lebanese-Australian men (Poynting, 2007), thus creating a bidirectional cognitive association between racial appearance and stigmatic, stereotypical attributes. This fits our definition of ‘colour coded’ identification as the combined application of stereotypes and their accompanying stigma, while its implicit use during the Cronulla Riots demonstrates that racial and ethnic identification is a pressing contemporary problem. Future research could focus on the feasibility of a post-ethnic consciousness where societies realize that ‘colour coding’ is, truly, only skin deep.

References

Clark, R., (2004) 'Interethnic and intraethnic group racism: Perceptions and coping in black university students', Journal of Black Psychology, Vol. 30, No. 4, pp. 506-526.

Clark, R., Anderson, N.B., Clark, V.R. and Williams, D.R., (1999) 'Racism as a stressor for African Americans', American Psychologist, Vol, 54, pp. 805-816.

Collins, J., (2005) ‘Ethnic minorities and crime in Australia: Moral panic or meaningful policy responses’, paper to a public seminar by the Office of Multicultural Interest, Western Australia, 8^th November.*

Jenkins, R., (1952) Social Identity, New York, Routledge.

Jones, C.R. and Fazio, R.H., (2010) 'Person categorization and automatic racial stereotyping effects on weapon identification', Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 36, No. 8, pp. 1073-1085.

Killian, L.M., (1985) 'The stigma of race: Who now bears the mark of Cain?', Symbolic Interaction, Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 1-14.

Kamalu, J.A. and Kamalu, N.C., (2004) 'From Bakke to Grutter: The Supreme Court and the struggle over affirmative action in the era of globalization', The Western Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 28, No. 4, pp. 489-500.

Kurzban, R. and Leary, M.R, (2001) 'Evolutionary origins of stigmatization: The functions of social exclusion', Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 127, No. 2, pp.187-208.

Luke, C. and Carrington, V., (2000) 'Race matters', Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 213-232.

Maddox, K.B. and Gray, S.A., (2002) 'Cognitive representations of black Americans: Reexploring the role of skin tone', Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 28, No. 2, pp. 250-259.

Poynting, S., (2007) ‘’Thugs’ and ‘grubs’ at Cronulla: From media beat-ups to beating up migrants’, in S. Poynting and G. Morgan (eds.), Outrageous! : Moral panics in Australia, Tasmania: ACYS Publishing.

Smith, A. D., (1991) National Identity, London, Penguin.

White, R., (2007) Policing the Other: Lebanese Young People in a Climate of Conflict. In J. Jupp, J. Nieuwenhuysen, and E. Dawson, (eds.) Social Cohesion in Australia, Melbourne VIC: Cambridge University Press.

Is a post-ethnic world desirable?

[1] Maddox &amp; Gray followed the academic conventions of psychology and defined the alpha level of statistical significance at p &lt; .05. Some traits were listed with a significance of up to p &lt; .0001

[2] Skin Tone Bias has only recently been defined by Maddox &amp; Gray in 2002. As stated by Clark (2004), literature is exiguous and effectively limits our discussion to hypothetical scenarios

*Unpublished paper. Soft copy received upon request via email on 10^th May, 2011, from the Office of Multicultural Interest (WA).

War Characters & Consciousness in 2 Texts

2011-06-08T18:41:00.012+08:00

War Characters & Consciousness in 2 Texts

A University of Melbourne Short Essay Assignment

Under the Freshman Arts IDF subject "From Homer to Hollywood"

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

By Benjamin L.C.Y., written during Semester 1, 2011

Question 8:

"In Homeric and medieval representations of war characters have little consciousness; while in more recent representations of war characters are weighed down by their self-awareness."

Critically analyse this claim by choosing two characters we have studied and discuss how the representation of consciousness has changed over time.

Tutor: Dr. S Young

Ben, your essay shows a great amount of consideration of the topic, and your response is excellent. You show an in depth understanding of how the the conscious mind is depicted in your texts, & your depiction of Hecuba's despair and Rivers' trauma is very effective. You have used evidence to good effect throughout & present a very well crafted response. Well done & best wishes for next semester.

H1, 27/30

Introduction

‘Little consciousness’ implies that Homeric characters have simplistic minds, while ‘weighed down’ suggests that the self-awareness of recent war characters is acute to the point of distress. Only the latter is true – some war characters in both epochs display great awareness of themselves and their situations. This leads to distress and/or despair as their plight becomes evident.

Hecuba in Women of Troy (Euripides, 2004) and Rivers in Regeneration (Barker, 2009) are indirect victims of, and witnesses to, the effects of war. Their distress is used to critique wars in each author’s epoch. Both Hecuba and Rivers are represented as characters that are reflective and self-aware, but the distinct nature of their distress critiques their wars in different ways. I will argue that Hecuba’s despair epitomises the plight of the enslaved Trojan women, while the stress Rivers faces subtly reveals the soldiers’ psychiatric trauma and its effects on those tasked with their rehabilitation.

Hecuba

Although it is unlikely that Euripides intended Women of Troy to criticise the atrocities committed during the invasion of Melos, the barbarity of warfare was sufficiently known to inspire a play criticising war atrocities in general (Mastronarde, 2010). The Melos incident occurred a year before the play was performed in Athens, the invading state (ibid.). When Melos refused to ally with Athens against Sparta during the Peloponnesian War, the Athenian force killed all the men and enslaved the women and children (Thucydides, 431 BC in Lawson, 2010). The enslavement of Melos’ women bears strong parallels with the play and Hecuba’s situation. Hecuba’s consciousness is marked by repeated lamentations about her disempowerment and her inability to reconcile herself with her fate. Her lamentations critique the victorious Greeks’ treatment of the women as a whole, while the embodiment of the women’s plight in the portrayal Hecuba’s despair ensures that the reader/audience is still able forge an empathic connection with an individual character’s suffering while retaining the analogical connection between Hecuba’s situation and that of the other women as a category of victims.

The connection between Hecuba and the Trojan women is evident from her first speech: “O women of Troy,/ our city burns,/ our warriors are gone.” It illustrates that she is conscious of the women’s general situation as vanquished subjects, while the line “our warriors are gone” parallels the murder of the men of Melos. The parallel with Melos is strengthened when Hecuba ponders her slavery: “Who’ll own me now?/ Who’ll order me?/ An old woman, a slave, all tears,”. This line reflects an introspective despair at her fate as another’s subservient possession – where ‘now’, ‘me’ and ‘tears’ at the end of each line forms an almost paratactic reiteration of her misery. Her fears are confirmed when the Greek herald Talthybius declares, “You’ve been allocated”, a verb that reflects their helplessness under Greek subjugation and implies that they are distributable commodities.

The portrayal of Hecuba’s consciousness impacts the audience because it vacillates between rage and grief in a realistic fashion as she grapples with the situation. Her anger is first directed to her new slave master, Odysseus, in a contemptuous manner: “I spit on him, deceiver, monster, liar”. This contempt is expressed through the onomatopoeic syllable ‘spit’, while the assonance of ‘–ver’, ‘-ster’, and ‘-ar’ in “deceiver, monster, liar” is reminiscent of a growl. In anger she tries to make sense of her plight by blaming Helen: “a slave… for her sake,/ that woman’s sake,/ that I be brought to this!”, yet morphs reverts into despair as the Greeks wheel her daughter, Andromache, offstage on a cart with loot while her infant grandson, Astyanax, is taken for execution. Hecuba cries “child, child of my child of tears,/ they’re robbing us”. In light of the preceding stage directions where Andromache is wheeled offstage on a cart with war loot, Andromache has been implicitly compared and reified into pillage, while Hecuba’s utter helplessness to resist the Greeks’ indignant robbery of her family members vividly illustrates her helplessness. Despairing, Hecuba cries: ”What can I do?/ Beat head, beat breast, that’s all./ Oee! Troy! Child!” This futile gesture highlights Hecuba’s psychological distress as she moves from contempt to blame and, finally, despairs. Such a multifaceted portrayal of loss gives Hecuba’s consciousness a rich and realistic rendering that would strike an empathic chord with the audience. Through empathising with Hecuba, Euripides’ Athenian audience might see their own sins against Melos.

Rivers

In contrast, Rivers’ burden focuses on the medical theme of psychiatric illness rather than outright subjugation and oppression. The demands of treating his patients eventually result in his own breakdown as their issues take a toll on his own health. During WW1, soldiers’ psychiatric afflictions were called ‘war neurosis’, an umbrella term for mental afflictions arising from war (Bogacz, 1989). Trench warfare exposed frontline infantrymen to constant danger and violence and was likely to turn them into “psychiatric casualties” (Jones, 2006). This coheres with Rivers description of breakdown as a sort of mental ‘erosion’ caused by “months of stress in a situation where you can’t get away from it”. For example, a patient, Prior, provides an account of trench warfare during World War One “when the [enemy’s] bombardment had gone on for seventy hours, and they’d stood-to 5 times expecting a German counter-attack.” The prolonged danger is also unpredictable – he describes two men frying bacon just moments before a shell exploded, but now there was “no sign” of their cooking activity, “and not much of Sawdon or Towers either, or not much that was recognisable” except a gruesome eyeball. With a shaking hand, Prior said, “What am I supposed to do with this gob-stopper?” and goes into shock.

They image of the ‘gob-stopper’ eyeball can be seen as a metonym for this scene. Prior has seen and experienced the constant danger and uncertainty of the front, and how men die with little trace except a gruesome reminder of their presence. The ‘residual’ image of the scene has etched itself in to Prior’s mind as the gob-stopper, and eventually entrenches itself in Rivers’ as well. After listening to Prior’s recount of the scene, Rivers retires to his quarters and sees himself in the mirror. Upon inspecting his blood-shot eye, his recalls Prior’s question, “What am I supposed to do with this gob-stopper?” Rivers has thus ‘seen’ and internalised a gruesome image of war, and the pressure of tending to his patients ironically leads to his own breakdown. Rivers found that he manifested “the familiar symptoms” seen in his patients and realises his psychosomatic symptoms indicate that he has ‘war neurosis’. The ceaseless, stressful task of treating so many patients at Craiglockhart hospital matches Rivers’ above description of breakdown, and the doctor has ironically contracted the same war neurosis he is attempting to cure in others. Compared to Hecuba, the representation of Rivers consciousness is more complex. There is an almost paratactical relation between the antecedent (the stress of treating patients) and consequent (Rivers ‘war neurosis’), with Rivers description of breakdown as “erosion” offering the faintest of hints linking the two.

Conclusion

In conclusion, I have argued that the representation of these war characters is fraught with despair and distress as characters obtain greater self-awareness against the backdrop of war. Hecuba’s laments display great anguish as she moves from contempt to blame and, finally, despair. By analogy, the audience can categorically extrapolate her suffering to that of the women in general – an analogy that may be especially striking for Euripides’ Athenian audience. In Rivers’ case, the critique of WW1 is first conducted through gruesome Prior’s recollection of WW1 followed by an elaboration of its effects on Rivers. The image of the “gob-stopper” eyeball haunts Rivers and becomes a device that tells readers how his patients’ issues have made an impression on him. Rivers’ self-awareness is only evident when readers paratactically link his definition of a mental breakdown, the “gob-stopper”, and his own war neurosis. As with Hecuba, Rivers is represented as a character with a high degree of self-awareness and becomes an indirect victim of a war beyond his control.

References

Barker, P. Regeneration. Australia: Penguin Group, 2009.

Bogacz, T. “War Neurosis and Cultural Change in England, 1914-22: The Work of the War Office Committee of Enquiry into ‘Shell-Shock’”. Journal of Contemporary History. Vol. 24 (1989): 227-256

Euripides. Women of Troy. London: Nick Hern Books Ltd, 2004.

Jones, E. “The Psychology of Killing: The Combat Experience of British Soldiers during the First World War”. Journal of Contemporary History. Vol. 41 (2006): 229-246

Mastronarde, D.J. The Art of Euripides. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Retrieved 12^th May 2011, from <http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/melian.htm>. Last edited 1 February 2010 by Lawson R.C., Mount Holyoke College.

Love Never Dies - Melbourne Premiere - A few thoughts

2011-06-04T18:46:00.004+08:00

(I didn't record this)

I watched the Melbourne premiere of Andrew Lloyd Webber's Love Never Dies. He calls it a "stand-alone piece" on the official youtube channel, although it is a sequel in probably everyone's mind. I thoroughly enjoyed it - the musical plays on some very interesting themes and motifs. I love the musical - no doubt about that - but I'll start on what I found a little... droll.

Themes

Wealth, dominance, sexual possession - if these sound like very masculine themes then you're spot on. Because that's what plays out between Raoul and the Phantom. It is very well-executed no doubt, but the themes are obvious and plays on men's fears. The song "Beneath a Moonless Night" recounts the illicit tryst between Christine and the Phantom before her wedding night before he 'lost' her to Raoul - sexual possession. Guess what? Gustave - supposedly the son of Raoul and Christine - turns out to be the Phantom's. Again the theme of sexual possession crops up. Jealousy a "green-eyed monster doth mock the meat it feeds on" (Iago, in Shakespeare's Othello). It is a subtle theme in the play but one that must be necessarily apprehended if the audience is to understand the nature of the tension between the two men. BUT - you only get the full extent of this tension if you've watched the original musical/movie beforehand.

Feminists and misogynists will find something to say about the musical as well. Feminists will scoff at the way Christine is almost like barter, an instrumental commodity, between the two men. The Phantom wants her voice as a musical instrument, Raoul for its financial value to repay his gambling debts. This is a secondary aspect that gets subsumed under explications of love - those who are trained in social science or literary arts should find it obvious by the intermission.

On the other hand, misogynists will find that Christine Daae is the same character from the prequel: she CANNOT make up her mind and her indecisiveness results in the clash of two very protective/possessive men. Perhaps she's too easily coaxed, unable to assert her own will against a Byronic hero of a Phantom and a wealthy attractive Raoul on the other. In the original, we learn that she is engaged to Raoul. In Love Never Dies, we learn that she slept with the Phantom before her wedding night and became pregnant with Raoul. Well done. I can hear Giuseppe Verdi's La Donna e Mobile on Youtube.

Motifs

I love Webber's knack for smoothly blending several motifs in every scene. The motif of a staged performance, a mask, false appearances and deceit are found in both Phantom episodes. It conveys a sense of underlying tension amidst an agreeable performance. It's analogous to the sociological theory of 'Dramaturgy' by Erving Goffman. Simply put, social behaviour can be broadly classed into two categories: the public front stage and the more private back stage. On the public front stage, social actors/agents seek to successfully assume particular identities but, once they recede into the more private back stage with confidantes, agents engage in less of a 'performance'.

The dramaturgical perspective is best represented by the motif of the Phantom's mask. In the Paris opera house, it is a symbol of superstition and terror, to be feared, the mark of a murderer. That is the Phantom's front stage persona and the one he assumes very convincingly as far as everyone except Christine and Mdm Giry are concerned. But with Christine, back stage in his lair, the mask is "my first unfeeling scrap of clothing". It becomes a symbol of inner pain and torment, an icon of his maligned past hidden beneath his malicious behaviour to everyone else.

The overt-covert idea is reiterated when Mdm Giry and Raoul meet and sing a lovely multi-part "Dear Old Friend" song while trading not-so-subtle words of contempt sotto voce. This blends in well with the setting - it is after all 'Phantasma', where a theme park full of gaiety masks a self-conscious and lovelorn phantom. At this stage one must marvel at his knack for masking almost everything in one way or another, whether when taunting Raoul or habitually popping up behind mirrors of various sorts. The theme of the mask is omnipresent whichever way you look at it, and this remarkable coherence of motifs really, truly impresses me.

Should You?

Yes, you should watch it. But I would recommend watching the original musical first or, failing that, the movie. You'll find that Webber made it a 'stand alone' piece by giving some characters a 180-degree personality change, but other than that it's an apt and short extension of the prequel. The aren't as many memorable music pieces and I won't be surprised if only two in the sequel will actually be remembered, but for a two and a half hour performance it's still worth every penny. Suspend your critical eye for just one night and you'll find that this is a thoroughly enjoyable musical that doesn't require some highbrow background knowledge to appreciate.

Marx & Weber, walking down Wall Street...

2011-05-28T22:36:00.005+08:00

The Order of Business

A University of Melbourne Short Essay Assignment

Under the Freshman Sociology subject "Understanding Society"

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

By Benjamin L.C.Y., written during Semester 1, 2011

The Order of Business

A brief comparison of Marx and Weber on the rise of industrial capitalism

“What are some of the ways that the earlier sociological perspectives of Marx & Weber understood the social forces that have, or will bring about, social change?”

Tutor's Comments:

Ben, this is an exemplary essay; congratulations. You have captured the essenceof the theories and integrated the comparison skilfully and the religious contextualisation works well. The essay structure creates a logical sequencing of comments. The essay, as presented, is however undermined by technical issues related to technical issues related to an essay format itself that are easily remedied and are noted on the essay itself. Take care of overuse of emphasis because this deadens the effect, and keep an eye on word length. This essay is well over the limit. Also, ensure that you don’t appear to be altering the essay question as set. However, as said, these are technical issues that don’t detract from the very strong demonstration of your understanding of this material. Well done.

Introduction

A key theme in Karl Marx’s and Max Weber’s writings is the rise of Western industrial capitalism – characterised by (a) the efficient pursuit of unlimited gain, (b) the concentration of production assets in the hands of relatively few, and (c) workers selling labour for wages (Birnbaum, 1953). They differed on whether social change at an ideological level was a cause of industrial capitalism or a result of it. Marx took a ‘materialist’ perspective and held that individual beliefs about society, or ‘consciousness’, is a product of their social circumstances that are, in turn, based on the predominant mode of production in society. Weber felt that this excessively reduced industrial capitalism to material conditions and emphasised the causal role of ideas in its emergence (Cuff, Sharrock & Francis, 1998). Despite these differences, the common aspects of both viewpoints can be mutually complementary. These are:

1. The material roots of capitalism

2. The central role of ideas in (re)creating capitalism

Marx focused on how ideas are predicated upon the mode of production in society but neglected how ideas played a causal role in creating it, while Weber focused on how ideas could play a causal role but neglected how the mode of production could also influence ideas. Seen this way, Marx and Weber’s perspectives are mutually complementary explanations of the rise and sustenance of industrial capitalism.

Material Roots of Capitalism

Both writers concur that industrial capitalism necessarily requires the presence of suitable material conditions but differed on whether this was sufficient cause for its emergence. Marx believed they were, but Weber held that it required an ideological impetus as well (Cuff, Sharrock & Francis, 1998). Weber notes that pre-industrial capitalism was the organised pursuit of profit to the point of sufficiency, but industrial capitalism pursued profit accumulation beyond the point of utility. Weber thought this change in conduct could not be reduced to material conditions and argued that a change at the level of ideas was necessary.

For Marx, capitalism arose when potential workers had been separated from the means of production, defined as the technology, capital and material assets necessary for producing goods (Kilcullen, 1996). This could occur when they could not possess the means of production, produce competitively with their own means of production, or found wage labour more attractive. They would then become wage-labourers – collectively called the proletariat – and depend on the capitalists for life-sustaining wages earned through selling their labour. This coheres with Birnbaum’s (1953) definition of industrial capitalism insofar as capital is possessed by the few with workers selling their labour for wages, but doesn’t explain why capitalists sought unlimited gain as opposed to sufficient gain.

Weber recognised that concentrated capital possession and wage-labour were necessary material conditions, but they were not sufficient for explaining how individuals were motivated to use these opportunities in a manner consistent with industrial capitalism. Industrial capitalism centred on the rational and efficient calculation of costs and returns, the pursuit wealth beyond practical utility, and the valuation of profit as an end in-itself (Cuff, Sharrock & Francis, 1998). Concentrated capital possession and wage-labour are essential elements for industrial capitalism, but the motivation to accumulate profit beyond all practicality could only be explained by the adoption of a paradigm that motivated such behaviour – namely the belief that profit was, firstly, an end-in-itself and, secondly, a meritocratic reward for industrious capitalists and thus a symbol of virtuous behaviour. By arguing for the causal relevance of ideas, Weber has actually complemented Marx’s theory by showing how a paradigm shift could have shifted the practice of industrial capitalism away from its pre-industrial form.

The Role of Ideas in (Re)Creating Capitalism

However, while Weber argues that capitalism is a product of ideas, Marx contends that these ideas are a product of capitalism. To Marx, the notion of ‘virtuous’ capitalism serves the interests of capitalists by concealing capitalism’s unequal material relations between capitalist and proletariat. He calls this systematic misrepresentation of reality an “ideology” (Cuff, Sharrock & Francis, 1998). In contrast, Weber believes that the ‘ideology’ behind capitalism is borne of a psychological need for a cosmological account of their lives and traces the values of industrial capitalism to Calvinist Protestantism (Birnbaum, 1953). While they might seem to disagree, Marx and Weber’s arguments are actually complementary.

Calvinism held that God saved and damned at will, and the Christian was always trying to assuage the resulting sense of inner isolation through good works (Birnbaum, 1953). In practice, this translated into an ascetic lifestyle and a duty to work and, through this, honouring God. For the capitalist, it meant that work came first and his income should not be spent extravagantly. As profit was his work, his income was then reinvested to honour God. This cycle of reinvesting income generated wealth in excess of his needs and was held as a sign of virtuous behaviour, effectively making the efficient maximisation of profit an act of ‘worship’. Thus in Weber’s view, industrial capitalism was borne of religious ideas.

In contrast, Marx believed that religion was a misrepresentative ideology that hides the exploitative nature of capitalism (Haralambos, et. al. 1996). Marx argues that profit is created by paying wages below the value of wealth produced by workers, with capitalists expropriating the difference as profit. Workers are lulled into thinking this is a ‘normal’ or ‘natural’ arrangement through ideologies such as religion, which induces a “false consciousness” about reality (ibid.). In short, capitalism creates ideologies to hide its sordidness. In the context of Calvinism, the emphasis on honouring God through dutiful work encourages the proletariat to be more productive which, in turn, serves the interests of the capitalists.

However, Marx and Weber’s Arguments aren’t mutually exclusive. Calvinism may have provided the values that shaped the behaviour of industrial capitalists, but it could also induce a Marxist “false consciousness” that serves the interests of the capitalists. It could be said that Weber argued that the ideas and values of Calvinism was a necessary cause in explaining the emergence of industrial capitalism, but a Marxist view would also be right in saying that Calvinism could have provided an ideological misrepresentation of capitalism’s exploitative relationship through religion. Seen in this way, ideas in the form of Calvinism played a part in creating industrial capitalism and, later, in re-creating it by encouraging workers to fulfil their occupation as a religious ‘duty’.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Marx and Weber’s theories on the rise of capitalism are actually complementary and only differ in emphasis. Marx rightly said that capitalism required a proletariat separated from the means of production and a capitalist class that owned it (Kilcullen, 1996), but this did not explain the behaviour of industrial capitalism. Weber acknowledged the necessity of these material prerequisites, but accounted for the behavioural aspect by tracing its roots to a specific set of values originating in Calvinist Protestantism (Cuff, Sharrock & Francis, 1998). While this may be an example of a misleading ideology (by Marx’s definition), it does not preclude Weber’s argument for its causal necessity as Calvinist values can actually serve both a causal and ideologically misrepresenting function. Just as industrial capitalism arose from an ethos honouring God through work – by profit in the capitalists’ case – the same ethos encourages a productive proletariat worshiping through work, much to their employer’s benefit. In this light, Marx and Weber’s theory on the causes of industrial capitalism are mutually complementary.

References

Birnbaum, N. (1953), ‘Conflicting interpretations of the rise of capitalism: Marx and Weber’, The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 4, No.2, pp.125-141.

Cuff, E.C., Sharrock, W.W. & Francis, D.W. (1998) Perspectives in Sociology, London, Routledge.

Haralambos, M., van Krieken, R., Smith, P., Holborn, M. (1996) Sociology: themes and perspectives. Australian ed., Melbourne, Addison Wesley Longman Australia Pty Limited.

Kilcullen, J. (1996) Marx on Capitalism, Macquarie University, Department of Politics, viewed 15 March 2011. <http://www.humanities.mq.edu.au/Ockham/y64l06.html>

Semantics

2011-05-16T15:34:00.000+08:00

The Arts & Social Science student is NOT environmentally friendly. He/she will print 10 essay drafts in search for that perfect one.

Economists may say that it's an imperfect distribution of resources. The writer will same the same about his/her draft.

Geddit? :PP

Also, in the Old Arts Building:

The faculty is alive and well! ;)

Racial Stereotyping - "Colour Coding"

2011-04-22T17:10:00.001+08:00

It's automatic.

Or so says Jones & Fazio (2010) in "Person Categorization and Automatic Stereotyping Effects on Weapon Identification". It was published in the Personality and Psychology Bulletin, 36(8), pg 1073-1085. The corresponding author is attached to the psychology department of the Ohio State University.

Stereotypes are cognitive representations of categories of people and their associated attributes. In the absence of individuating information, they allow us to 'predict' others' actions (ibid). I'm not sure if stereotyping really corresponds to action prediction, but I do know that under certain situations, even the most liberal and cosmopolitan people will make that mistake.

I did. I once met Andrew, who's Australian. His parents were Malaysian Chinese immigrants, but he's born and raised in Australia, specifically Melbourne. We were cycling together and introduced ourselves. Once he mentioned Malaysia, I immediately associated that with his racial features - Chinese - and asked "which parts of Malaysia have you cycled in?"

His answer was that he didn't. I committed a deeply regrettable faux pas. I've always known that I don't think very well during or immediately after sports activities. I told myself not to conflate race and nationality Down Under and have succeeded in that up till that moment. It seems that fatigue weakened my cognitive beliefs and led to "stereotype activation".

I've recently met a PhD candidate from Victoria University doing research in immigration and law. It's on a scholarship by the Australian Government. We happened to meet at a cafe and got on famously. I may be housing in with him soon. He's a cosmopolitan Australian: he's gone on diplomatic trips to Europe and lived in Singapore for a short time. His open-mindedness is most evident in his personal relationships: he's dating a Chinese woman from Singapore. I met him for dinner one night after he completed a day of research. Tired and distracted by some journal articles on ethnicity I put before him, he accidentally blurted out "The Islamic races..."

He didn't even notice it. When I stopped him and pointed it out, he apologised. It looks like mental fatigue is another factor in automatic racial stereotyping. It seems like the salience of race makes it an automatic de facto form of cognitively representing people. Sure, it commits some of the worst travesties and disasters in human history, but what can we do about this "colour coding"?

I'm working on an essay about colour-coding, how's it created and it's manifestations in public and private affairs. So far, it does not look good. Reducing people to the colour of their skin is to deny their individuality.

As Fanon (1952) writes in 'Black Face, White Masks', "The man who adores the black man is as abhorrent as the one who abominates him." Both reduce him to a stereotype.

We in the social and psychological sciences have much to do...

I am an ARTS Student!

2011-03-29T16:57:00.005+08:00

I've just finished reading the Chanson de Roland and have no mood for Shakespeare's Henry V just yet. Interestingly, I 'look' like a science student, as a classmate remarked one day. It created quite a furore on facebook. I've written the following piece of nonsensical dribble to demonstrate my academic grounding in the arts and social sciences. Don't take it seriously - it's an improvised rant that should prove entertaining for the informed audience...

Rene Descartes: "I think, therefore I doubt, therefore I am" (the real quote)

Immanuel Kant: "An analytic statement"

Karl Marx: "He's oppressed"

Sigmund Freud: "He's repressed"

Edward Said: "He's 'Occidentalised'"

Ludwig Wittgenstein: "You're all talking nonsense - "he's" my Beetle"

Erving Goffman: "Descarte's posing a dramatic identity"

William Shakespeare: "All the world's a Goffman"

Edward Carr: "Is his history of accepted judgements?"

Robin Collingwood: "No, it's about Great Men"

Friedrich Nietzsche: "Yes! They have the will to power!"

Mao Zedong: "Does it grow out of the barrel of a gun?"

Michael Foucault: "It's power-knowledge, the politics of discourse define knowledge!"

Lee Kuan Yew: "I aim to be correct, not politically correct! You should too!"

Peter Winch: "You're all ethnocentric"

Jeremy Bentham: "Then let's reform everyone in my Panopticon"

John Mill: "As long as it's utilitarian..."

Deng Xiaoping: "Yea, it doesn't matter it the cat is black or white as long as it catches the rat"

John Locke: "No! He's got the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

Thomas Hobbes: "Only if the Leviathan approves"

George Orwell: "But freedom is slavery, at least in 1984"

Jean Rousseau: "You civil savages"

Albert Camus: "Fellow monsieur, Sisyphus is more interesting than you"

Francis Bacon: "Settle it with the scientific method: by far the best proof is experience"

Thomas Kuhn: "But observation is theory-laden"

Karl Popper: "I'll falsify that!"

Ambrose Bierce: "Harangue: A speech by an opponent, who is known as an harrangue-outang"

Emile Durkheim: "But each has a Function in society"

Adam Smith: "Yes, individual pursuit for the common good."

Winston Churchill: "Nevar waas soul mulch owed buy so many twoo so few"

Aldous Huxley: "But we need functionalism for a brave new world"

Plato: "I'll hide in my cave until your ideas take Form"

Ben: "Damn I've run out of wine"

Benjamin
I have a SCIENCE STUDENT LOOK!?!?

Yesterday at 15:17 via iPhone · · ·

Chinyi, Anandhi, Han and 3 others like this.
- Ilya actually you kinda do, ben.
  Yesterday at 15:24 ·
- Min Hahaha I don't think so...I think you still have the KI look :)
  Yesterday at 15:27 · · 1 person
- Benjamin ‎:O D': No wonder I have better luck with science girls...
  Yesterday at 15:40 ·
- Kristie actually .....you kinda do......Yesterday at 16:35 ·
- Kaoru Hahaha!! I think so!:)
  Yesterday at 17:00 ·
- Benjamin Garr... All the girls concur! Oh no! I need a makeover! :'(
  
  COUZ! Help!
  Yesterday at 17:10 ·
- Lin dude... people say i have the art student look... and I am now!
  Yesterday at 19:01 ·
- Benjamin LOL! So am I... But it doesn't 'look' like it D:
  Yesterday at 19:04 ·
- Min No I didn't concur! And I'm a girl! :P
  23 hours ago ·
- Benjamin Hahahas! ReAlLy Min? :PP
  23 hours ago ·
- Min Wait...what are you referring to? The girl part or the concuring part?! :PP I AM 100% female! xD
  23 hours ago ·
- Benjamin HAHHAS! Yep, I concur! ;D
  23 hours ago · · 1 person
- Min LOL Ben, LOL...!!! ;D Hahaha....!!!!
  23 hours ago ·
- Bliss Concur. :P
  21 hours ago ·
- Benjamin ‎(bliss won't get aussie chocolates this time)
  21 hours ago ·
- Ajani Hah, poor Ben. ;)
  17 hours ago ·
- Han totally
  17 hours ago ·
- Zen 'Vortex' What's wrong with a science student look? As long as you ain't got a science student body XD
  15 hours ago ·
- Benjamin There's a science student body now? O-0?
  12 hours ago ·

Aussie Radio, Aussie Humour

2011-03-02T18:25:00.001+08:00

McDonalds:

"Signs you like discounts: When someone says 'good-bye', you say 'where'?"

Hall Pass movie promo:

"What's an Aussie kiss?"

"It's like a French one except 'Down Under'!"

Overheard on 101.9 FM

Everyday Anomie - An Undergrad's Views

2011-02-15T15:55:00.001+08:00

What is anomie at the daily level? How does if feel like? Does an academic definition suffice? Or is it better to examine it from a daily, experiential viewpoint? This entry explores the latter.

What is Anomie?
Anomie is a with many connotations and definitions in different social sciences. They center around a lack of social norms or the practical inability to achieve them, resulting in a sense of social alienation and purposelessness. From a layman's view, I guess you could liken it to a proletarian lifestyle: long hours, low pay, forever cut off from the status and prestige of wealth & power. But it's not just the proles who feel this way now - graduates also work on the clock, face increasing competition and with it, the pressure to 'do more for less'. I want to be a clinical psychologist - I want to look back on my career and know that I made a difference to someone - and I know from part-timing in an office that we, as Karl Marx suggested last century, are increasingly reduced to automatons in large social or corporate machineries. I think it's important for me to understand peoples' daily struggles in order to provide what assistance I can to make it that little better.

Why is the Daily Grind Anomic?
Marx said that society's superstructure of norms, values and practices rest upon an economic base insofar as social practices cannot contradict the means of production needed for economic survival. This concept is know as the base-superstructure critique, but such a macro-social perspective hardly addresses the affective symptoms behind anomie. How does it feel to live an anomic life? I would liken it to the Greek Myth of Sisyphus. Sisyphus was condemned to roll a large rock up a hill in Hades for eternity. After he reached the top each day, it would roll back down and the process was repeated ad infinitum. No one for company, a laborious, never-ending struggle, and ultimately futile. The existential philosopher Albert Camus drew a comparison between Sisyphus and the meaninglessness of life. Camus likens it to the Daily Grind. Camus concluded by saying "one must imagine Sisyphus happy", but Marx would call this a pathetic response and advocate rehauling society through a proletarian revolution. While I don't see the validity of full-on Bolshevism anymore, I do agree that life a la Sisyphus is not an acceptable mode of life.

I first saw Sisyphus' story in the Daily Grind of real life while I worked part-time in an office. Everyone wears a deadened expression facing their computer screens, processing the same papers everyday, and under these circumstances tempers easily flare over trivial things. In the short 2 weeks I could bear to stay there, 5 people resigned. It's not hard to see why: they clock in, they clock out, 5 days a week, most of it spent in a cramped 3-walled computer cubicle, then they go home and do it all over again tomorrow. Sisyphus is not a myth. If I'm not mistaken, these were workers with diplomas. Would a degree guarantee a less deadening work life?

Not to my knowledge. I know of many well-qualified graduates whose work life mirrors the proles'. My father is a CPA-Certified accountant with an MBA, yet he is not spared from the daily grind. Nor is my friend (Maj. Mass. Comm. cum laude, University of Sydney) who formerly worked at Young & Rubicam, the global advertising company, or even my M.D. (National University of Singapore) cousins in Singapore. They liken themselves to hawkers - some days you can sell your services, other days your retail 'outlet' is a ghost town (no offense to the deceased). You meet your colleagues for lunch and the mandatory corporate function, but you hardly have time or energy to meet them outside the office as friends. The daily grind exists for the white-collared as much as it does for the blue-collared. The meaning in work is lost through the anonymous clients that pass trough your doors, the long hours, and the pressure to perform as a professional. Real ncome, too, isn't a certainty with increasingly volatile global economies, labour competitiveness and inflationary pressures. The difference between the white- & blue-collared worker lies in the extent of financial insecurity experienced rather than its presence. Either way, the stressful, confining circumstances and tedium of the Daily Grind tends is fertile ground for sterile anomie.

What Can We Do?
Since anomie involves social alienation and purposelessness, I first asked what social alienation actually meant in realistic terms. What does it feel to be alienated from others? Wherein lies meaning in relationships? If it isn't likely to be found in the office, where we arguably spend most our days, where else can we find it?

Perhaps we can find it in each other. At the Arts Faculty's recommendation, I've been reading the novel "Boat People" by Nam Le. He writes about the lives of different people in different social and economic contexts. The central theme running through each of his short stories is the emotional importance of our relationships to our lives. The rich painter longs to be a part of his estranged daughters life, and the relatively wealthy Columbian assassin finds himself willing to throw it away for love and friendship. It reminded me of Victor Frankl's book "The Search for Meaning" - a set text for sophomore psychology majors at the University of Melbourne - where Frankl narrates his Holocaust experiences in the Theresienstadt Nazi concentration camp. In the midst of intense suffering that approximates the anomie of Sisyphus' story more than any other 20th Century event, the men in Auschwitz find solace in each others' company and the thought of their loved ones waiting for them beyond the barb-wired fences. His wife was later killed. There is no guarantee of life, no certainty that their lovers await outside - yet it was marginally bearable because they had each other. They had the socio-emotional support that arises from being a part of each others' daily struggles - they were friends, brothers, comrades, perhaps even soulmates, except they never married.

Frankl's account suggests that the anomic symptoms of purposelessness & alienation can be made more bearable through social bonds. Again, a Marxist will say that this distracts us from the fact that we can purportedly address the root cause of working-life anomie through revolution, and even the Hippie of the American counter-culture of the '60s and '70s will say that we can live 'outside the system' in communes with barter trade, free sex, drugs and rock-'n-roll. These are the great experimental phases in human history, movements that were short-lived and imploded because they couldn't provide a comfortable level of economic sustenance. It is ironic that Marx's base-superstructure model of society should be refuted by an attempt to abandon the capitalist system he criticised. Even in our daily lives, it is obvious that abandoning the Daily Grind jeopardises our finances, and hence it's around the Daily Grind that we must attempt to forge social bonds that make life bearable.

Please note that the bonds he described were not structural or hierarchical connections between guard and prisoner or, for in our context, employer-employee relations. It may not even be the bond between shallow family members. Instead, Frankl's descriptions indicate that the supportive factors against anomie were affective bonds of friendship. This is where I depart from big theories, names and events.

The Buddy & BFF
Among my male friends of my generation, the buddy is the best friend, the kindred spirit, the one you play soccer with and talk about girls. The BFF - what girls call their "best female friend" - the ladies' equivalent of the buddy, except they go shopping and watch cheesy drama serials rather than soccer. Before the feminists et al kill me, I'm just stereotyping so that we have an idea of the sort of friendship I'm talking about. These are the friends who share their joys and sorrows with you, the ones who you can count on at the end of the day.

Sometimes, just talking about your troubles can be cathartic. The buddy who's there when you get passed over for a promotion, the BFF who can empathise with a break-up, the one who swings an arm around your shoulder or gives you a pat on the back. Even in good times, friends make things better: someone to buy you dinner when you graduate, when you win a medal, before you fly overseas for studies - a special someone for the special moments in life - I believe that these are the moments that gives life its special meaning. When someone lets you know that they're proud of you, that you're special, that they care and are happy that you're in their life, I think these are the things that conventional social values gloss over.

Perhaps it's part of the superstructure that emphasises the virtue of wealth. Travie McCoy's song "I wanna be a billionaire (so fricking bad)" will be familiar to my peers. I always believed that the zeitgeist of an epoch is manifested in popular culture, and this Platinum hit in multiple countries hints that the age-old worship of excess wealth is still alive. Do we need that much wealth for a comfortable lifestyle? Do we need that much wealth for a contented life? I don't think so. I think contentment lies in the timeless inspiration that transcends space, place and culture: love.

My cycling coach shares a two-room apartment with his partner. He teaches English, she's a psychological counsellor. I thought their flat was almost squalid, until I saw how they talked to each other and smiled. The room was brightened by their synergy and obvious affection. It didn't matter that he was from New Zealand and she, from Singapore. Before she came home, my aged coach was showing me their pictures and their plush-toy 'children' like a young boy in love. He behaved a lot like I did during my first relationship. They found time for each other, to go on hikes and scuba dive, to cook dinner and travel overseas. They had a contentment that I envied... and that's when I realised that beyond a comfortable income, affective bonds are really all you need for a happy, contented life.

As Train's US Billboard no. 1 song "If It's Love" puts it:

If it's love

And we're two birds of a feather

Then the rest is just whatever

A psychologist can't prescribe love. I can't find friends for patients, and whatever compassion I extend is limited to the clinic's professional ethos. I cannot be a patient's friend... but perhaps I may use my knowledge to point them in the right direction.

Maybe I entertain these romantic notions of friends and lovers because I'm still young at 21. Maybe I say these because life has not jaded my spirits and a hollow where my heart still beats. Maybe it's because I've realised the absurdity of life after 2 suicide attempts & daily anti-depressants worse than Prozac. But dare I say that it's because I find inspiration in the possibilities & adventures of friendship & romance.

If Sisyphus was still happily married

If he found a friend in Prometheus just as Frankl found his

Then maybe, just maybe, one could imagine Sisyphus happy.

N.B. I find it fitting to mention:

My buddies Hon Ding, Junwei & Eric & Eunice Teo, the truest friends there ever were

And to Ng Xue Wen, my Precious Dear, my salvation, and inspiration.

Edward Said, "The Myth of the Clash of Civilizations"

2011-01-12T18:59:00.002+08:00

Fukuyama: "The Rest learns from the West. History happily ever after."

Huntington: "No no no, Western Civilisation clashes against the Islamic & Confucian!"

Said: "Yew gents have GOT to be kidding me..."

A 4 part video series on Edward Said's lecture on Samuel Huntington's essay and book on the "Clash of Civilizations," at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst (1996).

Videos posted by Youtube user mjerryson, 2008.

Quotable quotes:
1. "I think it's the age of [cultural] definitions"
2. The End of History thesis was "really the End of Fukuyama"

For a counter-argument of Fukuyama's thesis, see here.

The Civilisation Fallacy
I find that Said's critique is spot-on. Within each of Huntington's civilisational groupings (e.g. Islamic/Confucian), much 'intra-civilisation' conflict occurs. For example, the South/North Korean alignment with the USA/PRC, or the PRC/Taiwan divide, or even history of Sino-Japanese relations provide ample evidence indicating that a civilisational grouping might be Huntington's invention rather than empirical fact.

Such divides are also found in the 'Islamic World'. For one, Islamic UAE seems to enjoy good economic ties with the USA in spite of anti-American rhetoric by Iran's Khomeini et. al.. Past wars between Iran and Iraq or Iraq and Kuwait demonstrates that nations with similar cultures are far from unitary civilisations. Even in their commonalities - here being Islam - sectarian divisions are rife (e.g. Sunni vs Shi'ite sects). Indeed, this particular division was one of the casus belli for the Iran-Iraq war.

Understated Commonalities
Despite all the cultural differences that prevail after centuries of global trade and politics, one thing remains unchanged: global trade. Today, every country speaks the language of capitalism, whether explicitly or clothed in 'socialist' rhetoric (e.g. mainland China, where capitalism wears a "red dress"). Huntington and Fukuyama speak of civilisations and West-&-Rest dichotomies but, to my knowledge, skirt around the fact that we are all connected to the global economy.

Given the common currency of capitalism, Immanuel Wallerstein's "World Systems Theory" that divides nations according to their ability to exploit others or be exploited seems to be more relevant to our age. It is obvious that some countries are wealthier than others - it is why this occurs that remains controversial. The neoliberal position blames it on excessive government intervention in perfectible market dynamics, Keynesians might blame it on insufficient regulation/stimulation, while neocolonials might focus on Dependency Theory instead. These issues appear to be more salient divisors than culture, and the quest for market stability and global equality provides a common goal that transcends cultural differences.

The only problem is... who's point of view is correct? Which nations are to blame? Should the Developed world provide aid to the Developing? Should the developing world help itself out? What is the role of economic theory and, heaven forbid, will theoretical inaccuracies produce another disastrous Washington Consensus and bankrupt the developing world?

These are the issues on the news and in parliaments everywhere, including global parliaments. We do not hear Presidents, Ayatollahs and other world leaders fighting over cultural polemic very often: economic issues are the issues that global politics concerns itself with.

Terrorism might be cited as a counter-argument, but this is perpetuated by a minority rather whole nations or civilisations. I say this because a conflict of civilisations would involve open war as a more effective means of dealing destruction rather than petty acts of guerilla terror that target nations easily recover from. Indonesian moved on from the Bali bombings, the USA from the 9-11 Episode. Aside from stricter security measures, their internal political institutions and practices remain unfazed. If a clash of civilisations were to occur, these petty acts of terror are but a stone's throw against an armoured tank (think Israeli-Palestinian Intifada). A scratch on the paint job, nothing significantly debilitating in the long run.

Clash of Civilisations? Perhaps a "Clash of Economies" is a more appropriate aphorism for the 21st Century... or perhaps it's too early to tell. After all, we're just past the 1st decade of this Millennium.

Folks in Sheep's Clothing

2010-12-28T00:27:00.003+08:00

Folks in Sheep's Clothing

A University of Melbourne Final Essay Assignment

Under the Freshman subject "Anthropology: Studying Human Diversity

Topic: "Animals are good for thinking. Discuss."

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

By Benjamin L** C.Y., written during Semester 2, 2010

Introduction
Animals are good for thinking because they act as simple, symbolic representations of complex issues. They are used as metonymic devices that people use to define and express their thoughts on an issue. This usually occurs through anthropomorphosis, where animals are given human-like traits despite a lack of sufficient evidence for such a ‘personification’ (Horowitz, 2007). These animals are either imbued with desirable traits that humans would like to possess (Eason, 2008, p. viii-ix) or, conversely, come to represent human vices.

We will examine various case studies that explore:
(1) The process of anthropomorphosis
(2) Its use as a metonymic identity marker
(3) How these can reflect a social conflict and become embroiled in it
(4) How animalisation can be an effective alternative to anthropomorphosis.

[MT1] By analysing these case studies, this essay argues that the symbolism attached to animals is nothing more than human ‘folks in sheep’s clothing’. Animal symbols merely function as metaphorical representations of people’s cherished values and/or social identity.[MT2]

1. The Process of Anthropomorphosis – Personifying the creature[MT3]
Anthropomorphosis involves the value-laden interpretation [MT4] of animal behaviour. Animal behaviour per se is a factual empirical observation and anthropomorphosis only occurs when humans attribute these behaviours to animal agency and appraise its virtues or vices. This implies that anthropomorphosis creates a distinct ‘creature’ out of the animal that inspired it in a way that reflects human values.

The anthropomorphosis of ‘Balto-the-dog’ into ‘Balto-the-statue’ illustrates this point. In 1925, Balto was part of a sled dog team delivered a serum through harsh tundra conditions (New York City Department of Parks & Recreation, 2001) and saved the Alaskan town of Nome from a diphtheria epidemic. When the story reached the New York Airedale [terrier] club, the club decided to finance the creation of Balto’s statue and placed it New York Central Park. A frieze below the statue dedicated it to the “indomitable spirit of the sled dogs” who delivered the serum “across treacherous waters through arctic blizzards”, ending with the adjectives “Endurance, Fidelity, Intelligence” (Kean, 2009). Its tone and content clearly praises canine heroism.

However, this is an erroneous travesty. Firstly, it describes “sled dogs” while disregarding the sled drivers, suggesting a reading where the dogs have “intelligence” and agency while the drivers’ role is secondary. Secondly, the single image of Balto contradicts the plural description of “sled dogs” (ibid.). This shows that the creation of Balto’s statue as a metonym for the whole event was, in fact, a human creation inspired from the raw material of facts, which then acquired a pseudo-mythological form that is independent of the event and its parties. [MT5] Such a view is further supported by the sled dogs’ (and Balto’s) subsequent mistreatment in a “dime museum” (Meyer, 1998).

Balto’s case suggests that humans are less interested in the actual animal and more focused on the qualities they can plausibly attribute to them – in this case, Balto’s ‘heroism’. The Airedale club has ‘hijacked’ Balto’s image and performed an anthropomorphosis that reflects the club’s positive view of dogs while disproportionately highlighting the role of canine ‘heroism’ over other factors in the Nome delivery (Kean, 2009). One could reasonably say that the statue actually represents ‘humans in Balto’s clothing’.

2. Metonyms & Identity – Imaginary lion trounces real squirrel
The anthropomorphised representation of human agendas is also evident in the use of animals as political totems. Just as Balto expressed the Airedale club’s attitudes towards canines, the Lion has been used to define the territory, identity and aspirations of independent Singapore. [MT6] To differentiate between the lion as an animal and the Lion as a national symbol, the latter is capitalised.

The Lion first represents Singapore as a nation-state by acting as a metonymic image for its purported historical origins. According to the Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals), the Srivijayan Prince Sang Nila Utama supposedly saw a lion when he landed on the island during the pre-colonial period. Based on this sighting, he decided to name the island Singapura where ‘Singa’ means ‘lion’ and ‘pura’ means ‘city’ (Cornelius-Takahama, 1999). ‘Singapura’ was then anglicised into ‘Singapore’ when Sir Stamford Raffles colonised the island, after which the modern Republic of Singapore eventually inherited this name and territory.

The lion’s role in this legend is highly suspicious – because lions never existed in Singapore (Rae, 2007). Instead, the Lion as a symbolic totem invented by the Ministry of Communications and Information as it sought to find an image that exemplifies “the characteristics of Singapore's reputation as a Lion City… and represents the human values of “courage, strength and excellence” while the lion’s mane’s five partings represent Singapore’s 5 ideals of “democracy, peace, progress, justice and equality” (Mohamed, 1997). In this form, the lion as animal became anthropomorphized into the Lion as symbol, which the nascent government then used as a focal point for national loyalty (Rae, 2007).

The fact that the Lion was an invention did not detract from its popular success. In The Straits Times, Singapore’s largest newspaper, a suggestion that an indigenous squirrel would be a more appropriate national symbol met with the following rebuff:

I am sure Sang Nila Utama saw plenty of plantain squirrels upon his arrival… I am confident that the majority of Singaporeans would prefer a national animal that conjures an image of majesty, strength and pride, over a jittery rodent that calls to mind cuteness and fecundity… we are all lions at heart. (Tang, 2005 in ibid.)

This suggests that Singaporeans are more concerned about the human qualities that can be plausibly attributed to a lion rather than the animal’s actual existence. [MT7] In this sense, the country’s reputation as an “Asian [economic] Tiger” (Barro, 1998) rather than a lion city, the Lion’s lack of historical validity, and the presence of more appropriate indigenous animals for national self-definition are irrelevant – the Lion was still accepted as a symbolic ‘totem’ that represents Singapore. Being a ‘human in Lion’s clothing’ is their way expressing their identity and aspirations.

3. Totem Battlefield – Contesting a totem’s value
            Since animals can become symbolic ‘totems’ that embody values and identity, it is no surprise that totems can also function as a platform for people to articulate opposing viewpoints. Conflicts of value between opposing camps may involve a disagreement about the status of an animal totem. This effectively turns the totem into a ‘moral battlefield’ between belligerents with “widely differing socio-economic and symbol systems” (Peterson, 1993).

The totem’s function as a moral battlefield is shown in the conflict between whalers and anti-whaling environmentalists. Various cetaceans have qualities that parallel our own, such as the gray whale’s ‘friendliness’ and the humpback’s ‘singing’. The environmentalists have combined these desirable characteristics under the image of ‘the whale’, which belies the fact that no single cetacean possesses all of these characteristics (Kalland, 1993b). This anthropomorphosis has turned the whale into a fictitious, pseudo-human ‘super-whale’ that invokes a sense of human empathy. Those who feel this was way and identify with the ‘super-whale’ totem form the “nature-loving” faction of anti-whalers who stand dichotomously opposed to the “blood-thirsty” whalers (Kalland, 1993a).

On the other hand, whalers resent such violations against their customary right to exploit marine resources. In response to the anti-whalers’ anthropomorphic elevation of the whale’s status, whalers and whaling nations have come to view whaling as an expression of sovereignty and autonomy (ibid.). For example, Norwegian whalers, have come to view whaling as an expression of their rights over local resources while coastal whalers in Japan and Iceland have come to view the consumption of whale meat as the symbolic desecration of the ‘enemy’s’ totem. In contrast to the environmentalists, the whalers view the whale as their commodity and its exploitation doubles as an expression of their autonomy.

The crux of the issue lies in what the whale means as a symbol – a normative valuation relative to a specific cultures – rather than what the whale is as an animal – a positive fact. By using the symbol of the whale to articulate their respective value systems, the conflict over what the whale symbol means has come to reflect a larger conflict about the moral status of whaling.[MT8]

4. ‘Animalisation’ – Metaphorical meaning without anthropomorphosis
            Despite the pervasiveness of anthropomorphosis in constructing symbols, it is not the only way to create meaning with animals. Another common method involves likening humans to animals: Instead of the animals ‘taking on’ human traits, the human (or other object) take on animal traits. We will explore how animalisation occurs and study an example of its use.

            While anthropomorphosis involves the plausible reading of human traits into non-human animals, animalisation does the opposite: it involves plausibly reading animal traits into humans or human objects. The latter is explicitly present in the naming of Jaguar Cars Limited. William Lyons, the founder of Jaguar automobiles, sought to find a name that would reflect the “speed, sleekness and raw power” of his cars and settled on the name ‘Jaguar’ in 1935 (Jaguar Cars Limited Australia, 2010). These vehicles purportedly embodied “feline grace and elegance, combining docility with remarkable power and agility” (Jaguar Daimler Heritage Trust, 2010). Whereas anthropomorphosis attaches human traits to animals, the animalisation of Jaguar cars attaches the animal’s traits to human products as a metaphorical representation of the cars’ merits.

            In a manner similar to how the aforementioned ‘super-whale’ was used, animalisation can also be used to convey opinions and define issues of social concern. For example, the character of Iago in Shakespeare’s play Othello highlights the racial incongruence and immorality of an illicit marriage between Othello, an African Moor, and Desdemona, the daughter of the Venetian nobleman Brabantio. Iago informs Brabantio of the affair using the animalised analogy: “an old black ram is tupping [copulating with] your white ewe” (Act I., Scene i., Line 88-89). The communicative and literary function of this phrase lies in the contrasting connotations associated with black and white while its negative moral meaning rests with the immoral, animalistic behaviour of Othello and Desdemona (Adler, 1974). In the text’s setting of xenophobic Venice during the 17^th Century, black refers to a Moor or Negro (“the black Othello”, II. ii. 29), the proverbial black sheep (African Othello in Italy’s Venice), contrasted with the white European Desdemona (“that whiter skin of hers than snow”, V. ii.4) (ibid.). These multi-layered racial and moral meanings in the contrast of black and white reinforce the immorality expressed in the animal imagery of sheep – “ram” and “ewe” – as animalistic behaviour in a Shakespearean context refers to savage sensuality (Shannon, 2009). It can thus be seen that an analogy has been drawn between the Othello-Desdemona union and copulating sheep of different colours: the copulation between a “black ram” and “white ewe” alludes to their racial disparity while reducing Othello and Desdemona to mere animals alludes to their lack of moral temperance over their sensual instincts. [MT9] They have been symbolically animalised to express the conventions and moral beliefs of 17^th Century Venice in Shakespeare’s Othello.

Conclusion
            In conclusion, this essay has argued that animals are metaphorically used as public representations of people’s cherished values and/or social identity. This is usually done through anthropomorphosis where human traits are attached to animals (Horowitz, 2007). In turn, the anthropomorphised animals function as symbols of humans’ values and identity. As with Balto’s statue and Singapore’s Lion, the factuality of the event or animal(s) in question is not the central focus. Instead, people are only interested in the qualities that they can plausibly attribute to their animal ‘totem’ and, therefore, its ability to function as a symbol of their beliefs. Kalland’s (1993a & 1993b) study on the anti-whaling controversy demonstrates how this can be applied: a fictitious ‘super-whale’ is used to dichotomously identify and represent the anti-whalers vis-à-vis the whalers. This anthropomorphised ‘super-whale’ symbol then becomes a moral battlefield that becomes embroiled in a larger war of values about the moral status of whaling.

            Animalisation is a less common, but equally effective way, to use animals for metaphorical expression and communication. Whereas anthropomorphosis attributes human traits to animals, animalisation attributes animal qualities to humans or human objects. As shown in the case of Jaguar Cars Limited and Shakespeare’s Othello, humans ascribe animal properties to humans or human crafts in order to capture a set of qualities or values in a single image – be it a powerful predator or copulating sheep. Both anthropomorphosis and animalisation use animals to economically encapsulate and communicate ideas, identities and meanings in a manner that reflects human attitudes. They paint a ‘picture’ of meaning that makes it simpler and easier to think about potentially complex issues. Just as a ‘picture paints a thousand words’, animals are good to think with because we can use them to capture a ‘thousand’ ideas.
[Examiner's comments after references.]

References – Harvard citation format

Adler, D. 1974, 'The rhetoric of black and white in Othello', Shakespeare Quarterly, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 149-150, viewed 27 October 2009, .

Barro, R.J. 1998, 'The east Asian tigers have plenty to roar about', Business Week, 27 April, 24, viewed 30 October 2010, .

Cornelius-Takahama, V. 1999, Sang Nila Utama, National library board Singapore, viewed 30 October 2010, .

Eason, C. 2008, Fabulous creatures, mythical monsters, and animal power symbols: a hankdbook, Greenwood Press, Westport, Connecticut.

Meyer, E.A. 1998, Balto, Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, viewed 29 October 2010, .

Horowitz, A. 2007, 'Anthropomorphism', in M. Bekoff (ed.), Encyclopedia of human-animal relationships, Greenwood Publishing Group, Westport CT, pp. 60-66. .

Jaguar Daimler Heritage Trust, 2010, The Jaguar story 1935-38 part 1, Jaguar Daimler Heritage Trust, viewed 29 October 2010, .

Jaguar Cars Limited, 2010, Heritage, Jaguar Cars Limited, viewed 29 October 2010, .

Kalland , A. 1993a, 'Whale politics and green legitimacy', Anthropology Today, vol. 9, no. 6, pp. 3-7, viewed 26 October 2010, .

Kalland, A. 1993b, 'Whale totemization', Arctic, vol. 46, no. 2, pp. 124-133, viewed 31 October 2010, .

Kean, H. 2009, 'Balto, the Alaskan dog and his statue in New York's central park', International journal of heritage studies, vol. 15, no. 5, pp. 413-430, viewed on 29 October 2010, .

Mohamed, Z. 1997, Lion head symbol, National library board Singapore, viewed 30 October 2010, .

New York City Department of Parks & Recreation 2001, Balto, New York City Department of Parks & Recreation website, viewed 29 October 2010, .

Peterson, J.H. Jr. 1993, 'Epilogue: Whales and elephants as cultural symbols', Arctic, vol. 46, no. 2, pp. 172-174, viewed 31 October 2010, .

Rae, P. 2007, 'Cat's entertainment', The Drama Review, vol. 51, no. 1, pp. 119-137, viewed 30 October 2010, .

Shannon, L. 2009, 'The eight animals in Shakespeare; or, before the human', PMLA, vol. 124, no. 2, pp. 472-479, viewed 21 October 2010, .

===== END OF ESSAY =====
[Examiner's Comments]
Benjamin,
This was a very good essay. You use very interesting examples to support your argument. You integrate your sources well into the body of your essay and provide insightful conclusions from your analysis. A few minor referencing and expression criticisms, but these are minor. Remember to try and not use too much jargon and academic language. You don’t want to sound too florid. But well done.
H1

[MT1]By “we” just use “I”.
Try not to dot point or list in your essay. Better incorporate this into the body of your text.

[MT2]Good.

[MT3]Good use of sub-headings.

[MT4]What do you mean by this? Needs to be explained a little further.

[MT5]Good.

[MT6]Where do you get this information from?

[MT7]Good expansion on the quote.

[MT8]Good.

[MT9]Very interesting.

The Beginning of History?

2010-12-19T12:15:00.003+08:00

Global Winds & Local Waves

Part 5 of 5

A University of Melbourne Edublog assignment

under the Freshman subject "Globalisation"

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

8 Oct 2010, 9:55 PM by Benjamin L** C.Y. (Last edited: 8 Oct 2010, 9:55 PM)

For my final post, I'd like to make an observation. While I lack the knowledge to argue this fully, the past century has revealed a new trend worthy of closer study.

Fukuyama's (1989) controversial article "The End of History" studies the proliferation of the "Western Idea" - defined as the fundamental principles of capitalism and democracy - across the world. He substantiates his argument by observing historical trends. This retrospective method reveals something else. History has moved on since Fukuyama's writing and I'd like to postulate a new trend: Federalism.

The 20th Century has seen an increase in the number of global crises and institutions created to address them. Some of these institutions are:

League of Nations 1920 – 1935

INTERPOL 1923 – present

Bretton Woods System 1944 – 1971

IMF 1944 – present

United Nations 1945 – present

GATT 1947 – 1995

WTO 1995 – present

These are truly global because they (1) explicitly make themselves a body for all nations to participate (at least in theory), (2) have an explicit purpose that transcends geopolitical boundaries. Membership in these organisations implies that nations are not completely distinct sovereign states but members of a federal structure, complete with the entailing rights and responsibilities. In my opinion, this willingness to subsume themselves under a greater structure is a response to the new challenges of this age that undeniably require collective, coordinated multilateral action. Some major examples of these events are:

WWI 1914 – 1918

The Great Depression 1929 – 1940

WWII 1940 – 1945

The Cold War 1945 – 1991

Asian Financial Crisis 1997 - ?

Global Financial Crisis 2007 - ?

Terrorism Concurrent

Global Warming Concurrent

Flu Pandemics (e.g. H1N1) Periodic

These are problems can easily spread across the world but are too great for single nations to resolve and necessarily require international cooperation in some form. As problems like global warming and terrorism do not appear to have ready solutions, I believe that this trend of creating and participating in federal, supranational federal organisations is likely to go on for many years to come. Perhaps this is end of histories as separate nations and the beginning of a new, federal chapter in human history.

Posted in #29 Fri 11am (Alice Hoy 323)

3 responses to: "The Beginning of History?"

Aleisha V** S******* wrote:

 Fri, 8 Oct 2010, 10:22 PM 

 I am so thankful to discover someone with an argument against Fukuyama's theory, no one in my tute was willing to assert anything against it. Federalism is a fantastic example of an ideology with support and momentum, the UN, the EU etc. This multilateral approach through global federalism has possibility for gaining increasng support, as political issues are becoming increasingly global. However, this theory does not undermine liberal democracy, liberal democratic states are members of these global institutions without undermining their current political ideology. I would like to think that in the future we will witness a new global political theory that will allow for ideological upheaval that proliferates across the globe. 

Michael C***** wrote:  

Sat, 9 Oct 2010, 1:50 PM 

Great post, Ben. And also a great comment, Aleisha.  I love a grand declaration, so on that level I admire Fukuyama’s thesis. He was framing is his argument with a Cold War audience in mind. The Cold War created an environment in which free thinking was stifled; ironic given that the West was on the side of liberalism, which seeks to defend and promote a diversity of opinion. I think there's no doubt that it has resonated and has been influential, but is increasingly being seen a weak argument.  I like the way that you’ve provided a response to it. 

Benjamin L** C.Y. wrote:

 Tue, 12 Oct 2010, 9:27 PM  

Thanks Aleisha, thanks Michael! :)  I was worried it might seem too sketchy to comprehend, glad you guys like it! :)  Maybe we will see a new ideology that can accommodate the events of our age. Huntington's "Clash of Civilisations" seems to be headed in that direction, although I find that much academic literature is still besotted with alarmist content, most notably 1st-3rd world issues and capitalism-consumer welfare.  While we bemoan these seemingly endless problems, we must not forget that humanity has made progress in its own right. The post on "Soft Appeal" demonstrates that along with this post on Federalism - neither is perfect, but both are constructive.  Where is the Love:"What's wrong with the media/ Negative images just to meet criteria" - The media needs to make our progress salient too.

Soft Appeal - in lieu of Soft Power

2010-12-09T18:30:00.003+08:00

Global Winds & Local Waves

Part 4 of 5

A University of Melbourne Edublog assignment

under the Freshman subject "Globalisation"

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

25 Sep 2010, 6:05 PM by Benjamin L** C.Y. (Last edited: 26 Sep 2010, 12:13 PM)

In Soft Power, Nye (1990) states that “proof of power lies not in resources but in the ability to change the behaviour of states.” He focused on the actions of national agents on the global stage their effects. We common folk may not have the hard or soft power to alter the global stage, but we do have something I call soft appeal – cultural artifacts and beliefs that shape our thoughts and feelings. It’s found its way into our MP3s, online radios, iTunes and hearts.

Evidence of soft appeal is often found in popular media. We hear stories of wars, bombings and hatred on the radio, but every now and then a new song appears that catches popular attention and delivers a moral impact:

People killin', people dyin'

Children hurt and you hear them cryin'

Do you practice what you preach

And would you turn the other cheek

This Black Eyed Peas song was released in June 2003, 3 months after the US-led coalition invaded Iraq without UN clearance. Popular global protests involving millions were ineffectual. Perhaps this is why this song was so well received around the world and earned the top spot in various Charts in the Western hemisphere. Incidentally, this isn’t the first time a famous song has brought a message of love and peace…

We are the world

We are the children

We are the ones who make a brighter day

So let's start giving

Originally written by Michael Jackson (1985), it raised $60 million to fight hunger in various African countries and created what Holden (The New York Times) calls a legacy, emphasising humanitarian causes in pop music that runs into the 21^st Century.

These songs’ popularity necessarily depends on the notion of shared humanity for their moral and political impact. If our moral considerations stop at out borders, there is no ill in “People killin’, people dyin’” in Iraq or Africa or any other dire land. There won’t be a “We are the world” either. Instead, these songs appeal to us because we recognize our shared humanity and identify with each other regardless of arbitrary distinctions like nationality and race.

This line of thought has been around for centuries. Kant’s Categorical Imperative rests on a similar notion of ethical universality. Socialists will also be familiar with Eugene Pottier’s “The Internationale”, a song written in 1871 expressing international class-based solidarity. In its contemporary incarnation:

Let no one build walls to divide us

Walls of hatred nor walls of stone

The emphasis on common humanity has long existed at the intellectual and popular level, but we still face the same old problems of war (Iraq), poverty (Sub-Saharan Africa) and even religious hatred (like pastor Terry Jones). The solutions aren’t clear, but the underlying values have a distinctive ‘soft appeal’ to us. I think the Black Eyed Peas epitomized ‘soft appeal’ when they asked:

Yo', whatever happened to the values of humanity

Now ask yourself

Where is the love?

Can we be One World?

Perhaps...

Someday, when we are wiser...

Someday, one day, soon...

Reference

Nye, Joseph Jr. “Soft Power”, Foreign Policy, 80 (Autumn): 153-171

4 responses to: "Soft Appeal - Music for Humanity"

Amanda B**** wrote:

 Sat, 25 Sep 2010, 7:46 PM 

 Entertaining post with which I agree. Music is a very effective form of soft power that reaches people at all corners of the world. Globalisation really facilitates this through the media spreading moral messages through such music. Concerts such as 'Live 8' and artists such as 'U2' strongly advocate spreading this too. This form of power proves to be much more effective as people see these influential artists performing concerts to 'make poverty history' and ultimately want to be a part of the cause. 

Alexandra M******* wrote: 

Sat, 25 Sep 2010, 7:50 PM 

 It's so true, the song by the B.E.Ps didn't just have a catchy tune; it's meaning wound its way into people's hearts. I really like your use of the term "Soft Appeal". Instead of riots and rallies, music concerts have led way to some of the most meaningful, not to mention best broadcasted, gatherings of masses who want change. "Soft Appeal" has a certain ring to it, like we're whispering in the ears of politicians, urging them to make a change. 

Ana G***** wrote:

 Sat, 25 Sep 2010, 10:11 PM  

This was pretty interesting. I'd like to point out my personal favourite and one of the first: John Lennon's 'Give Peace a Chance', also an amazing video, everyone in it is so involved and so genuine. My friend and I were talking about it the other day, how crazy it was living in the 60s and the 70s and how even though there were all these crazy wars, and the threat of killing the world with a few big bombs, it was one of the most hopeful times the world has ever seen. And now that we don't feel at risk any more we have become a cynical sad bunch.  

Benjamin L** C.Y. wrote:

 Sun, 26 Sep 2010, 12:07 PM  

Oh yea Ana, the Hippie age was absolutely revolutionary imho. I studied it before... how an entire counterculture can protest against wars through street rallies and alternative lifestyles! In fact, it made the cover issue of Time magazine at one stage! When done with a critical mass, people without executive power can make a big difference.

Jenifer N***** wrote:

Wed, 13 Oct 2010, 8:09 PM

I love the idea of how music can change views and opinions on a global scale. It's amazing how one simple form of artwork, with simple lyrics and words can have so much of an impact on the way we live our lives and the way we think of the world around us. The artists who share their work do so much more than entertain, they send out messages to a large number of people.

BAN-KAI !!!

2010-12-05T22:22:00.005+08:00

Global Winds & Local Waves

Part 3 of 5

A University of Melbourne Edublog assignment

under the Freshman subject "Globalisation"

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

10 Sep 2010, 10:07 PM by Benjamin L** C.Y. (Last edited: 10 Sep 2010, 10:39 PM)

This is an age of cultural ubiquity – where cultural are artifacts widely known around the world. McDonalds and Hollywood were novelties, but not anymore. The same goes for anime and sushi – and it seems that Apple culture is following suit with a slew of Macbooks and ‘i-series’ gadgets. The wave of global capitalism and media wash these on new shores, sometimes in humorous ways. Consider this joke:
A Singaporean, two Indonesians and a Japanese citizen were waiting for dinner. The Singaporean said: “My friend once acted as a samurai. He was supposed to draw his sword and shout ‘BAN-ZAI!’ Unfortunately, the bloke blundered. As he drew his sword, he yelled ‘BAN-KAI!’" The table were nearly slain with laughter.
By the way, I’m the Singaporean & that’s a true story. Foreign novelty has become normalized and found its way into the vernacular of other countries. Does this mean that cultural proliferation has given us new common ground? Yes it has, but it brings new risks.

Florida-based Pastor Terry Jones advocated burning Korans, Islam’s holy book, to mark the 9^th anniversary of September 11^th. His legal right to do this is protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution. Islam, along with many other religions and ideologies, transcends national boundaries. It’s analogous to Benedict Anderson’s “imagined communities”. An assault on such communities can have severe repercussions. Here's proof:

General Petraeus, Commander of NATO forces in Kabul:
"Images of the burning of a Quran would undoubtedly be used by extremists in Afghanistan - and around the world - to inflame public opinion and incite violence."

Mohammad Mukhtar, Cleric and prospective Afghan Member for Parliament:
"It is the duty of Muslims to react… When their holy book Quran gets burned in public, then there is nothing left. If this happens, I think the first and most important reaction will be that wherever Americans are seen, they will be killed. No matter where they will be in the world they will be killed."

Hilary Clinton, US Secretary of State:
"It is regrettable that a pastor in Gainesville, Florida, with a church of no more than 50 people can make this outrageous and distrustful, disgraceful plan and get the world's attention, but that's the world we live in right now,"
The world’s listening and poised to act – this is the real Bankai

References

Stacy, Mitch (2010). “Fla. minister determined to hold 9/11 Quran burn”. Associated Press, 10 September. Accessed 10^th September 2010 from the Associated Press application for iPhone.

Pictures
http://resources1.news.com.au/images/2010/09/08/1225915/615173-terry-jones.jpg
http://blogs.reuters.com/africanews/files/2009/06/arms1.jpg

3 responses to: "BAN-KAI !!!"

Tomas A**** wrote:
Sat, 11 Sep 2010, 12:12 AM  
An interesting point on the common ground of cultures. It is a well established but rarely acknowledged liberal ideal that cultures will expand together in harmony. So your first point is enlightening. On your second point about reaction, I must say that the views of Clinton and her humanitarian commrades is rather alarmist in perspective. I think the question to ask from your blog is: What real capacity do cultures have in reaction to threats; and more specifically; how much relative capacity do extermist groups possess?. 
Sophie D***** wrote: 
Sat, 11 Sep 2010, 10:05 AM  
There is no doubt that this is indeed an age of cultural ubiquity and hence an age where cultural boundaries hold no barriers any more. Consequently in an instant one mans extreme opinion can do exactly that, excite extreme reactions around the globe. Rationality is surely what we have to mindful of at all times and aware that societites and communitites across the globe do not become overwhelmed by moral panics! We can all play a part in this.  
Shen N* wrote:
Thu, 14 Oct 2010, 2:16 AM
Really like Bleach the anime, still remember when i was watching it few years back, best and most favourite Bankai.. SenbonSakura (spelled it wrong i think), well, i can see how it shows relation to globalization, its a japanese anime, but even the subititles at the bottom are english. but, thank god for that, if not i wouldnt get to watch anime now as well, unless i have a Japanese girlfriend of course. Haha. Cheers.

Time-Task Compression - Subverted Technology

2010-11-25T21:56:00.038+08:00

Global Winds & Local Waves

Part 2 of 5

A University of Melbourne Edublog assignment

under the Freshman subject "Globalisation"

Passed with High Distinction (H1)

============ ============ ============

3 Sep 2010, 10:20 PM by Benjamin L** C.Y. (Last edited: 4 Sep 2010, 12:05 AM)

(Blogger's note: Recall the readings titled The Discarded Factory and Social Acceleration)

Technology and capitalism are old friends. Businesses use it to deliver efficiency, comfort, and material ‘progress’. Is this correct?

Let’s see: In economics, the concept of capital-labour substitution will be known as the replacement of labour factor inputs with technological processes – with the factory being the classic example. This is a euphemism. The reality: workers are perpetually under pressure to upgrade their skills and dedicate more time and effort – to further reify themselves into commodities and factor inputs – in order to remain relevant in a world of increasingly technocratic production. In Orwellian Newspeak, this is euphemistically called “flexibility”, “skills upgrading”, and “competitiveness” that disguise the bleak truth in ‘progressive’ rhetoric.

But the Marxists have already touched on that. I put a new spin to it: capitalism has subverted technology and increased the pace of modern life. Technology has a quantitative aspect that concerns itself with efficiency: achieving the greatest results through the least input. Technology allows us to manufacture more goods with less time and effort, so why are modern, industrialised societies so rushed and stressful? Consider the following:

Technology: Reduced time for task completion, raising expectations of what can be done per unit time.

Capitalism: The profit imperative demands greater output per unit time in the quest for greater market share.

The synthesis of technology and capitalism: Completing more tasks per unit time becomes the norm, a sort of “time-task compression”.

But that alone isn’t sufficient to explain our increasing pace of life: rate of time-task compression must outstrip the time savings technology affords. I attribute this to global capital and labour migration. Because capital can flow from one factory to another overnight and workers can compete across borders, a “race to the bottom” (Klein, 2000) easily results. Competing factories and workers are under pressure to do more for the same income or achieve the same output for a lower price. Either way, it is a situation that puts extreme pressure on workers and, indeed, even executives striving to justify costs. This is where technology comes into play: it expedites the race to the bottom by facilitating capital transfers to areas with favourable terms and transports labour internationally. In short, someone, somewhere may be willing to do more for less and your boss can get them over.

This is competitiveness in our contemporary world: Use technology to shape up, or capitalism and technology can make you ship out.

Further Reading
Klein, Naomi. “The Discarded Factory: Degraded Production in the Age of the Superbrand.” No Logo. New York: Picador, 2000. 195-230.

Scheuerman, William E. “Social Acceleration.” Liberal Democracy and The Social Acceleration Of Time. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 2004. 1-25.

4 responses to: "Time-Task Compression - Subverted Technology"

Hilary C******** wrote:
 Fri, 3 Sep 2010, 11:03 PM 
 I know, with all this technology to make my life and the lives of others easier, it seems like what is expected of us has doubled. Not fair!!! I'm constantly stressed for time on all the tasks I have to do, as a result certain things, like having a life, must sometimes suffer. I like your spin on this concept though, highlights a lot of reasons why the world seems crazier even though we continue to develop things to make life easier. 

Benjamin L** C.Y. wrote:  
Sat, 4 Sep 2010, 12:04 AM  
Thanks Hilary, I'm glad you like it :) I hope our tutors, as fellow victims of the modern rush-ethos, can empathise and act accordingly (*HINT HINT!*) 

Mariah C*** wrote:
 Sat, 4 Sep 2010, 12:22 PM  
Good question, what has created our fast paced life if technology is shortening the time it takes to do things. I agree the use of technology permits more activites to not only be completed quicker but also expected to be completed quicker. But I think this also creates a sense of frustration and anxiety. Firstly, to not be left behind in the technological race and to be worried that we don't have the latest equipment but secondly also our reliance on such technology. If the expectation (that something is done quickly) exists but the technology does not, clearly creates stress. For example the break down of a photocopying machine, computer, car or 'frozen' webpage. The expectation that the work will be done quickly is still there but it is not as attainable

Benjamin L** C.Y. wrote:
 Sat, 4 Sep 2010, 4:08 PM  
Well put Mariah. In our modern haste, it becomes very distressing when technology fails. Ironically, we have become dependent on the medium of social acceleration. Expectations do soar, technology keeps pace with it, yet the faster processes it creates further raises time-task expectations. It's a negative feedback cycle that works against the people it's supposed to help. 